PROJECTS  FOR  THE  REORGANIZATION  OF  THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE 
IN  THE  ERA  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 


BY 

HISATA  ASBURY  SANTO 

B.  C.  Tung  'Wen  College  1918 
A.  B.  De  Pauw  University  1920 


THESIS 

Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfillment 
of  the  Requirements  for  the 

Degree  of 

MASTER  OF  ARTS 
IN  HISTORY 

IN 

THE  GRADUATE  SCHOOL 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
1922 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


THE  GRADUATE  SCHOOL 


192^ 


I HEREBY  RECOMMEND  THAT  THE  THESIS  PREPARED  UNDER  MY 


SUPERVISION  BY- 


BE  ACCEPTED  AS  FULFILLING  THIS  PART  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS  FOR 


Head  of  Department 


Recommendation  concurred  in* 


Committee 


on 


Final  Examination* 


*Required  for  doctor’s  degree  but  not  for  master’s 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/projectsforreorgOOsant 


CONTENTS 


Chapter  I.  Introduction 1 

Chapter  II • Plans  of  Colonial  Autonomy  under 

Parliament 26 

Chapter  III.  Real  and  Personal  Unions 46 

Chapter  17.  Projects  for  a Commonwealth  of 

Nations 70 

Chapter  V.  The  Problem  of  Imperial  Reconstruction 

Unsolved 98 

Appendix.  A List  of  Digests  for  Imperial  Re- 
organization   106 

Bibliography 109 


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Aoknowledgment 


In  my  present  study  I am  greatly  indebted  to  Professors 
Evarts  B.  Greene  and  Theodore  0,  Pease  of  the  University  of  Illinois. 
The  former  suggested  the  problem,  and  frequently  helped  me  by  his 
criticism  and  useful  suggestions.  The  latter  has  earnestly  guided 
my  research  to  its  final  completion,  and  his  constructive  criticism 
as  well  as  painstaking  review  were  a constant  source  of  encourage- 
ment to  me.  I owe  much  to  Misses  Margaret  Hutchinson,  Fanny  Pun- 
lap,  and  Helle  M.  Signor  of  the  University  of  Illinois  Library, 
and  to  Miss  Ruth  Lapham  of  the  Uewberry  Library,  Chicago,  all  of 
whom  have  aided  my  work  through  their  valuable  services.  Again, 
in  gathering  my  materials  I have  incurred  obligations  to  several 
libraries,  which  I gladly  take  this  opportunity  to  acknowledge: 
to  the  John  Garter  Brown  Library,  the  Library  of  Oongress,  the  New- 
berry Library,  the  Libraries  of  Columbia,  Harvard,  and  Yale  Uni- 
versities, and  to  the  Libraries  of  the  Universities  of  Chicago 
and  Illinois.  I wish  to  express  my  appreciation  of  Mr.  Dix  Harwood, 
of  the  English  Department,  University  of  Illinois,  who  has  kindly 
aided  me  in  composition  and  improved  the  style  of  the  thesis. 

H.  A.  S. 


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Chapter  I 
Introduction 

The  subject  of  inquiry  in  this  thesis  are  the  projected  solu- 
tions of  the  problem  of  the  reorganization  of  the  British  Empire  during 
the  American  Revolution. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  seeds  of  the  Revolution  were  existent 
as  far  back  as  1607^  is  generally  agreed  that  the  Revolution  actual- 

ly began  with  the  Peace  of  Paris  in  1763 • Viewed  from  the  standpoint  of 
imperial  reorganization^,  however^  it  may  be  said  to  have  started  at  the 
close  of  the  seventeenth  century^  when  the  Stuarts’  American  policy  of 
royal  control  and  consolidation  rippled  the  peaceful  calm  of  colonial 
home  rule.  Then  cams  a period  of  seventy-five  years  in  which  the 
problems  of  imperial  defence  and  colonial  union  occupied  the  imperial 
statesmen  and  publicists  of  the  age. 

With  the  close  of  the  Seven  years'  the  needed  reconstruc- 

tion of  the  rapidly  swollen  empire  became  a grave  concern  of  the  thought- 
ful on  both  sides  of  the  sea.  Row  the  problem  was  not  the  military 
defence  of  the  empire,,  but  constitutional  reform...  However,  the  matter 
was  hopelessly  complicated  and  irritated,  by  the  unfortunate  experiments 
of  Grenville  and  Townshend,  with  the  result  that  the  problem  itself  was 
unsolved  and  the  chain  of  colonies  passed  away  forever  from  the  empire. 

In  order  to  solve  this  problem,  viz.  the  constitutional 
reorganization  of  the  vast  empire,  numerous  projects  were  brought 
forward  during  the  three  decades  following  the  peace  of  1763* 


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pirst  came  crude  schemes  of  colonial  union  and  uniform  governments 
(1760-1769);  later  carefully  matured  plans  of  American  representation  in 

the  British  parliament  (1764-1776).  Theories  of  representation,  it  is 
true,  had  great  influence  on  the  shaping  of  popular  opinion  in  imperial 
politics,  but  they  had  little  chance  of  success  in  actual  politics  of 
the  era. 

This  group  of  reconstruction  projects  the  writer  intends 
to  treat  in  a summary  manner  so  as  to  give  more  attention  to  others  of 
greater  import,  that  is,  schemes  for  colonial  autonomy  under  parliament 
(1773”1778),  for  real  and  personal  unions  (1769-I78O),  and  for  a com- 
monwealth of  nations  (1775-1782).  The  first  of  these  groups  was  "the 
logical  result  of  the  failure  of  the  system  of  representation,  and  - 
intended  to  harmonize  the  constantly  recurring  conflicts  between  the 
parliament  snd  the  Colonies  through  the  constitutional  recognition  of 
the  then  prevailing  imperial  system.  The  second  one  was  designed  to 
unite  Great  Britain  and  America  mainly  or  solely  by  means  of  the  royal 
bond.  That  is  to  say,  the  union  of  the  two  integral  parts  of  the  em- 
pire was  to  be  maintained  through  either  the  employment  of  the  Crown 
and  a limited  parliament, ot  that  of  the  Crown  alone.  Thus,  the  pur- 
pose of  the  real  and  personal  unions  was,  it  is  evident,  to  out  as 
much  as  possible  the  powers  of  that  "audacious"  Parliament.  The  last 
of  the  series  consisted  in  the  establishment  of  several  new  nations  on 
the  ruins  of  the  tottering  empire.  In  this  system  different  portions 
of  the  scattered  dominions  were  to  become  self-governing,  practically 
independent,  or  indeed  even  so  in  theory.  Singularly  enough  this  category 

of  projects  anticipated  in  the  main,  if  not  exactly,  the-coming  into  be- 
ing of- that  British  commonv/ealth  of  nations  in  o>ur  age. 


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Sucli  teing  the  case,  each  of  these  groups  of  projects 
will  he  the  subject  of  a chapter;  the  last  chapter  will  summarize 
the  others.  The  remainder  of  this  introduction  will  review  briefly 
British  colonial  beginnings  and  Mercantile  policy,  and  survey  the 
problems  of  imperial  defence,  colonial  union,  and  American  repre- 
sentation. 

Considered  from  the  standpoint  of  colonial  policy,  British 

colonial  history  falls  into  certain  natural  divisions — the  age  of 

beginnings  (1497-1650),  the  Mercantile  regime  (1650-1830),  the  era 

of  S3^tematic  colonization  (1830-1860),  the  laissez-faire  (1860- 

1885),  and  the  coming  of  the  British  commonv/ealth  of  nations 
1 

(1885-  ).  Here,  hov/ever,  we  are  chiefly  concerned  with  the  first 

two  divisions. 

"A  new  thing,*’  observes  Egerton,  "is  coming  into  being, 

viz:-  Colonization  as  worked  out  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  and  the 

2 

Mother  State  is  puzzled  how  to  deal  with  it."  The  problem  is  how, 
in  the  days  before  steam  and  telegraph,  to  maintain  the  authority 
of  the  Crown  in  countries,  separated  by  thousands  of  miles  of  sea. 

In  this  stage,  the  first  naive  impulse  is  to  give  to  the  individual 
grantee  full  pov/er  to  manage  his  own  settlement  in  his  own  way,  so 
long  as  he  maintains,  as  far  as  possible,  the  English  laws.  How- 
ever, the  crudity  of  this  early  view  Was  -^recogaized,*  and  the  theory 
of  the  trading  company  wasoadoidted^  the  government  of  the  colony  to 

1 

Hugh  Edward  Egerton,  A Short  History  of  British  Colonial 
Policy.  1-7. 


2 

Ibid. , 1. 


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be  lodged  in  the  hands  of  a governor  appointed  by  a council  in 
England.  Side  by  side  with  this,  however,  we  find  complaints  of 
the  practice  of  conferring  governing  powers  on  trading  companies, 
and  assertions  of  the  need  of  governing  the  colonies  on  a common 
plan.  The  grant  of  Maryland  to  Baltimore,  on  the  other  hand,  ap- 
pears to  be  a return  to  the  cruder  point  of  view  of  the  Elizabethan 

days.  Altogether  we  sense  an  uncertainty,  a groping  amidst  strange 
3 

surroundings. 

At  last,  however,  the  meaning  of  colonization  dawned  on 
statesmen.  The  Navigation  Act  of  1651,  it  is  true,  only  gave  ef- 
fective erabodiement  to  a traditional  policy;  but  the  English  mer- 
chant soon  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  the  English  shipowner  and 
shipbuilder,  and, for  a century  after,  the  theory  obtainedthat  the 
raison  d* etre  of  the  empire  was  to  benefit  the  commerce  of  the  mother 
country.  In  spite  of  Britain* s beneficial  policy  towards  her 
dependencies,  this  theory  relegated  the  colonies  to  a position  of 
permanent  subordination  in  the  economic  evolution  of  the  empire. 

It  is  true,  that  counter  to  this  main  current,  we  find  under  the 
last  two  Stuarts  a narrow  stream  of  royal  interference.  But, 
serious  as  such  action  might  have  been  in  its  c onsequences,  the 
Revolution  of  1688  came  too  soon  for  those  consequences  to  happen, 
and  henceforth  the  formula  above  stated  held,  the  field.  The 
great  wars  of  the  first  half  of  the  ei^teenth  century  were  trade 
wars;  Ireland,  America,  war  and  peace,  were  but  pawns  in  the  game, 

3 

Egerton,  A Short  History  of  British  Colonial  Policy, 

1-2,  23-54. 


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which  was  to  win  Great  Britain  coimnercial  supremacy*  From  the 
economic  theory  of  the  eighteenth  century,  this  policy  might  have 
been  wise,  hut,  as  worked  out,  it  involved  the  consequences  that 
the  colonial  interests  were  to  he  always  sacrificed  to  those  of  the 
mother  country.  So  accustomed,  however,  had  the  colonies  become 
to  the  Mercantile  theory  and  indeed  so  easy  were  the  opportunities 
for  evasion,  that  probably  things  might  have  gone  well  for  some 
time  in  the  same  manner,  had  not  a crisis  been  precipitated  by  the 
causes  of  the  American  Revolution. 

In  the  meantime,  the  American  colonies,  especially  the 
northern  part,  had^  been  fast  growing  even  during  the  first  quar- 
ter of  the  Mercantile  regime  (1650-1695),  and  their  trade  expansion 

was  regarded,  from  the  British  and  imperial  points  of  view,  as  an 

4 

excKscence  inconsistent  with  the  raison  d’etre  of  the  enpire. 
Moreover,  as  the  colonization  of  America  was  the  result  of  a 
religious  as  well  as  political  dissension  in  the  British  State,  the 
consequence  was  the  planting  on  American  soil  of  communities  whose 
actual  development  tended  steadily  towards  the  formation  of  an  or- 
ganic body  politic  with  interests  distinctly  different  fi*om  those  of 

5 

Britain  and  the  empire.  This  was  radically  opposed  to  the  aims 
of  the  Restoration  statesmen  and  their  successors.  No  doubt,  says 
a noted  student  of  British  colonial  problems,  it  was  the  economic 
argument  which  clinched  the  matter  in  the  final  decision  to  proceed 

4 

Egerton,  in  his  review  of  G.  L.  Beer,  The  Old  Colonial 
System,  I,  II.  Eng.  Hist.  Rev.,  XXJIIi,  574. 

5 

0.  H.  VanTyne,  The  American  Revolution,  5-5;  Egerton, 

ibid. . 574. 


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-6- 

6 

against  the  Massachusetts  charter  in  1684. 

True  it  is  that  England,  consistently  acting  upon  a 
false  economic  principle,  developed  a rounded  colonial  system,  hut 
political  and  economic  problems  cannot  be  separated.  Sven  early  in 
the  Mercantile  period,  cases  were  not  lacking  where  political  reor- 
ganization of  the  nev/  empire  was  considered  and  projected.  Thus, 

7 

in  1652,  Sir  Thomas  Modyford  of  Barbados,  later  governor  of  the 
islands,  proposed  colonial  representation  in  the  Parliament  at 
Westminster  as  a necessary  step  tov^ards  imperial  reform.  As  already 
hinted,  the  Stuart  policy  of  consolidating  the  northern  provinces 
under  Sir  Edmund  Andros  might  have  been  influenced  by  the  absolute 
theory  of  government.  Nevertheless,  it  must  be  noted  that  consider- 
ations of  effective  defence  and  trade  regulations  under  one  gover- 
nor instead  of  a dozen  must  have  appealed  to  any  statesman.  Indeed, 
it  was  partly  for  the  defence  of  New  York,  then  claiming  the  Iro- 
quois lands,  that  James  II.  created  the  short-lived  Dominion  of 
8 

New  England.  Amid  the  wars  of  William,  Anne,  and  George,  animated 
discussion  went  on  over  the  questions  of  imperial  defence  and 
colonial  union  that  might  put  the  new  empire  on  a more  solid  founda- 


Egerton,  in  his  review  of  G.  L.  Beer,  The  Old  Colonial 
System,  I,  II.  Eng.  Hist.  Rev.,  XXVIII,  574. 

7 

Sir  Thomas  Modyford  (1620( ?) -1679)  was  at  first  a zealous 
royalist,  but  went  over  to  the  Parliamentary  side.  Coming  over  to 
Barbados  in  1649,  he  became  governor  of  the  islands  in  1660,  and 
j,  govemor  of  Jamaica  in  1664. 

J.  S . Bassett,  A Short  History  of  the  United  States , 114; 
L.  M.  Larson,  A Short  History  of  England  and  tbe  British  Empire, 

397;  G.  L.  Beer,  The  Old  Colonial  System,  II,  303-304. 


-7- 

tion.  Various  sorts  of  reorganization  sohemes  were  presented  by  men 

9 

like  Penn,  Livingston,  Coxe,  Keith,  Franklin,  and  Kennedy.  Kearly 
tencoonventions  were  held  under  the  royal  authority  to  fix  the  quotas 
of  men  and  money  which  each  colony  was  expected  to  raise  for  the  com- 
mon defence,  and  to  hold  treaties  with  the  Indians. 

Indifferent  as  was  the  Board  of  Trade  for  many  years  to  -c 
both  the  progress  and  designs  of  the  French  as  well  as  to  the  popular 
discussions  of  colonial  and  imperial  reorganization,  it  came,  with 
the  appointment  of  Halifax  and  Townshend,to  be  occupied  with  schemes 
for  colonial  administration,  probably  prompted  by  the  French  expulsion 
of  English  traders  from  the  Miami  valley.  The  Crown  at  length 
determined  to  contest  the  claims  of  France.  In  August,  1753^  Earl 

Bolderness  instructed  the  royal  governors  to  repel  force  by  force,  if 

11 

protests  should  fail,  while  the  Lords  of  Trade,  in  a letter 
dated  August  18,  1755>  required  them  to  recommend  to  their  assemblies 
the  immediate  appointment  of  commissioners  to  meet  in  a convention. 
Thereupon,  a congress  met  at  Albany  on  June.lp,  1754.  An  important 
problem  before  this  congress  was  to  overcome  the  jealousies  of  the  several 

colonies  and  to  get  them  to  unite  for  the  purposes  of  defence to  make 

a powerful  band  of  states  out  of  "a  Rope  of  Sand  loose  and 

9 

R.  Frothingham,  The  Rise  of  the  Republic  of  the  United 
States,  109-117;  K.  Eotblack,  Chatham's  Colonial  Policy,  167;  B.  Frank- 
lin, Writings,  (Smyth  ed.).  Ill,  41-43;  L.K.  Sathews’,  Benjamin  Franklin's 
plans  for  colonial  union  (1750-1775 )> " Am.Pol.ScRev. , VIH, 

11 

A. B. Hart,  Coiibempor&rias, II,  356-357;  h.I.  Col.  Doc.,  vl,  794- 

795. 


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12 

unconnected.''  Here  several  plans  of  military  and  political 

13 

union  of  the  colonies  were  submitted.  The  Albany  plan  of  union, 
as  finally  adopted,  proposed  to  establish  a new  American  government, 
consisting  of  a president-general  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  a 
grand  council  of  forty-eight  representatives  from  the  several  pro- 
vinces. Besides  Indian  affairs,  the  grand  council  was  to  take 
charge  of  colonial  defence,  with  powers  to  tax  and  to  legislate, 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  president-general  and  the  King  in 
council.  This  plan,  it  is  apparent,  implied  an  assumption  by  the 

colonies  of  a far  greater  share  of  the  cost  of  defence  than  had 

14 

hitherto  been  customary.  The  commissioners  at  Albany,  observed 

Governor  Shirley,  "had  no  expectation"  that  the  colonies  would  adopt 

this  plan,  and  this  unfortunately  turned  to  be  the  case. 

While  the  Albany  congress  still  was  in  session,  the  Board 

of  Trade  sent  its  plan  of  union  to  Secretary  of  State  Sir  Thomas 
15 

Robinson.  This  plan  radically  differed  from  that  formulated  at 


12 

Beer , "British  Colonial  Policy,"  Pol.  Sc.  Quarterly,  XZII, 
13;  H.Y.Ool.Doc. , VI,  659;  Franklin,  Writings  (Smyth  ed. ) 111,203-204. 

13 

Plans  of  union  were  made  by  Richard  Peters,  Thomas 
Povioaall,  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Meshech  Weare,  William  Smith,  and  Benja- 
min Franklin.  Of  these  gentlemen  the  first  two  proposed  plans  of 
purely  military  defence;  and  the  last  two  colonial  unison  on  federal 
basis  for  both  political  and  military  purposes.  The  Albany  plan,  as 
adopted,  was  a synthesis  of  other  plans  as  well  as  Franklin *s,  to 
whom  too  much  credit  seems  to  have  been  given. 

14 

Beer,  "British  Colonial  Policy,"  Pol. Sc. Quarterly,  XXII, 
14;  E.  Channing,  Histoiy  of  the  United  States , II,  570. 

15 

Cf.  Hubert  Hall,  "Chatham*s  Colonial  Policy,"  Am. Hist. 
Rev.,  V,  664;  Basil  Williams, "Chatham  and  the  Representation  of  the 
Colonies  in  the  Imperial  Parliament,"  Eng.  Hist.  Rev.,  XXII,  756- 
758. 


-9- 


Aibany  in  that  it  contaDQplatsI  only  a oolonial  union  of  military  lafenca. 
Pointing  out  bha  grava  iangar  to  Amsrioa  from  pranob  anoroaohmants,  tha 
plan  atatai  '’»tha  urgant  naoassity  thara  ia  of  an  immadiata  union  of 
3a7aral  3oloniaa"  in  oriar  to  maintain  forts,  to  raiaa  aoldiara,  and  to 
dafray  tha  axpanaaa  of  praaanba  to  tha  Indiana.  B^sidss  provisions)  for 
foe  oolonial  appointaaot  of  oommisslonsrs  and  an  intar-oolonial  assambly, 
it  M3  proposal  that  tha  0ro«  shouli  appoint  a ooamanisr-in-obiaf  of 
all  tha  prorinoial  foroas  ani  of  all  the  troops  sent  from  3reat  Britain, 
plausible  as  suoh  a scheme  »as,  it  hai  almost  no  chance  of  success  in 
7iew  of  the  recent  unanimous  rejection  by  the  colonists  of  the  ilbany 
plan.  Bence,  it  was  suggestei  that  recourse  be  taken  to  Parliament  to 
create  some  such  military  anion.  Ihe  imposition  of  such  a union  oy 
an  act  of  parliament  was  legal,  bat  as  such  a step  was  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  the  expressed  wish  of  America,  it  would  hare  defeated  its  own 
purpose, which  was  to  secure  the  hearty  cooperation  of  the  colonists 
in  the  impending  crisis  with  the  French.  Ihe  suggestion  of  a Parlia- 
mentary union  of  the  colonies,  especially  one  of  a purely  military 
nature,  contained  within  it  the  idea  of  parliamentary  taxation  of  the 

1 -.-17 

30loni33. 


^°FKcladine  "the  people  of  the  3olonies  from  all  share  in  the 
ohoice  of  the  3rani°3ouncil, " sail  Franklin,  "would  prohably  gire  ex- 
treme iissatisfation,  as  well  as  the  taxing  them  oy  act  of  Farliamen  , 
where  they  hare  no  representatires. " John  Almon,  Biographical  Ane^dot.,, 


II,  182. 


17. 


Oolonial  polioy,"  Pol.-  S3 
Hobblaok,op.  oib.,173;  op.  oit.,11,  139-191* 


Quanbarly, KXIIi 29; 


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-10- 

With  the  Albany  and  Board  plans  unratified,  the  French  and 

Indian  War  had  to  be  carried  on,  and  fighting  had  already  begun. 

Just  at  the  time  of  American  disasters  at  Oswego  and  Louisbourg,John 

16 

J/;itchell,  a noted  English  naturalist  and  historian,  proposed  a scheme 
of  "a  triple  union"  of  North  American  colonies  "to  retrieve  our  pre- 
sent losses,  and  to  prevent  the  like  for  the  future."  As  a workable 
measure  of  defence,  he  suggested  a division  of  America  into  three  sec- 
tions, viz.  Northern,  Niiddle,  and  Southern.  The  provinces,  he  ex- 
plained, "are  generally  too  small  for  their  safety  and  defence  . . . ; 
but  uniting  several  of  these  * . together  for  the  purposes  at  least 

of  defence,  if  for  nothing  else,  this  inconvenience  may  be  removed, 
without  producing  any  other  that  might  arise  from  changes  of  forms  of 
government,  alterations  of  constitutions,  &C."  All  the  colonies  in 
this  triple  union,  said  Mitchell,  have  a natural  connection  and 
interest  in  one  another;  and  they  must  units  together  to  defend  and 

secure  the  frontier  at  all  times,  as  well  as  to  root  the  French  out 

19 

of  them  at  present.  Serviceable  a this  Mitchell  scheme  might  have 
been  in  the  struggle  with  the  French,  it  was  never  put  into  practical 
operation. 

Looking  over  this  long  series  of  projects  from  those  of  Ken  - 
nedy  and  Dinwiddis  to  that  of  Mitchell,  one  is  impressed  with  the 

18 

John  Mitchell  (d.l766),  F.R.S. , emigrated  to  Virginia  in 
1700,  and  returned  to  England  in  1748.  Besides  works  on  botany,  he  pre- 
pared ”4  j/iap  of  the  British  and  French  Dominions  in  North  America," 

1755>  and  "The  Contest  in  America  between  Great  Britain  and  Prance, 
etc."  Cf.  LymaU  Carrier, "Dr.  John  Mitchell, etc, "Am.  Hist  A'ssn.  An- 
nual Report,  1918,voi.l,  201-2  1.9. 

*1 

^John  Mitchell,  The  Contest  in  America,  etc.  3S-42. 


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-11- 


importance  attached  to  military  defence  in  each  of  them.  Obvious- 
ly with  a critical  war  on  hand,  the  political  or  constitutional 
phases  of  those  projects,  were  insignificant  or  nonexistent.  That 
they  all  failed  of  adoption  was  indeed  unfortunate,  but  they  paved 
the  way  towards  reorganization  schemes  of  more  permanent  and  funda- 
mental nature.  In  the  next  twenty  years  we  notice  a great  number 
of  plans  purporting  to  effect  colonial  reform  and  imperial  recon- 
struction. 

Even  during  the  war,  Pitt  gave  his  attention  to  the  future 

government  of  the  American  colonies.  Canada,  he  imagined,  might  be 

erected  into  a kingdom  for  Prince  Edward,  and  if  necessary  another 

soverei'gnty  might  be  created  in  the  colonies  themselves.  Such  a 

confederation  of  crov/ns  in  his  view  would  be  more  effective  and  more 
20 

natural.  In  1760,  Dr.  Samuel  Johnson,  of  tbe  Zing^s  College, 

21 

New  York,  was  urging  the  need  of  uniform  provincial  governments. 
Calling  attention  to  ’’the  disunited  state  of  our  Colonies”  as  a 
fatal  danger,  the  learned  writer  proposed  the  royal  appointment  of 
”a  Vice  Roi,  or  Lord  Lt  to  reside  at  New  York  ...  with  a commission 
to  continue  only  for  three  years.”  An  American  congress,  composed 
of  two  representatives  from  each  province,  he  thou^t,  should  be 
created  to  meet  at  New  York  under  the  presidency  of  the  Lord 


20 

Hall,  op*  pit.,  673.  Pitt  entertained,  says  Hall,  some 
such  schemes  by  1756,  about  1766,  and  in  1775. 

21 

On  July  30,  1760,  Dr.  Johnson  sent  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  a copy  of  his  "Questions  relating  to  Union  and  Govt  of 
the  Plantations.”  This  was  not  made  public  by  the  advice  of  the 
Archbishop,  though  it  was  made  known  to  the  Earl  of  Halifax  and 
V/illiam  Pitt.  N.  Y.  Col.  Doc.,  VII,  441-443. 


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Lieutenant  to  consider  common  affairs  of  the  provinces.  A year 

EE 

later,  writing  to  Lord  Barrington,  Governor  Bernard  acquainted 
his  lordship  that  "There  is  ...  no  System  of  Government  in  N Amer- 
ica that  is  fit  to  be  made  a moudule  of  ...  therefore,  ...  it  must 
be  upon  a new  plan...."  The  "sensible  people"  of  Rhode  Island, 

Connecticut,  and  Massachusetts,  he  added,  would  rather  favor  the 

25 

establishment  of  royal  governments.  A few  years  afterwards,  when 
he  was  fairly  disposed  to  colonial  representation,  the  governor 
still  insisted  upon  the  uniform  governments  in  America  as  a means  of 
efficient  administration  and  imperial  security.  In  1764,  Thomas 
Pownall  published  his  "Administration  of  the  British  Colonies." 

Being  quite  conscious  of  the  need  of  imperial  reorganization,  he 
wrote  "that  our  kingdom  may  be  no  more  considered  as  the  mere  king- 
dom of  this  isle,  with  many  appendages  of  provinces,  ...  , but  as 
a grand  marine  dominion  consisting  of  our  possessions  on  the  At- 
lantic and  in  America  united  into  a one  interest  in  a one  centre...*’ 
The  offices  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  and  the  Secretary  of  State,  he 

urged,  should  be  amalgamated  in  a separate  one  with  the  rank  of  a 

S4 

Secretary  of  State,  for  efficient  colonial  administration. 

In  the  meantinie  situations  both  in  Britain  and  America 
were  fast  drawing  to  a crisis  when  the  Stamp  Act  Congress  met  in 


EE 

Lord  Barrington  (Viscount  William  Wildman)  was  then 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  in  the  Pitt-Newcastle  Ministry  (1757-61). 

53 

E.  Ohanning  and  A.  0.  Coolidge,  Barrington-Bernard 
Correspondence . 43-44. 

54 

Whether  due  to  his  advice  or  not,  such  change  as  urged 
by  Pownall  was  made"  four  years  later,  when  the,  office  of  Secretary  of 
State  for  the  Southern  Department  was  created  with  Lord  Halifax  at 
its  head. 


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-13- 


York,  Octobor  7,1765.  In  tho  iniist  of  tho  ijion-Importation  rogimo, 
it  was  proposal  in  Naw  York  that  an  Amarioan  constitution  bass!  on  a union 
of  tha  colonies  in  ona  gcnaral  congress  shouli  bs  sat  up  for  tba  security 
ani  development  of  colonial  liberty.  Thus  under  the  preuaxt  of  framing 
common  regulations  of  trade  with  Indians,  the  assembly  of  .New  York  at  its 
session  in  Decemoer,  1769,  with  the  concurrence  of  Lieutenant  Governor 

Oolden,  tried  in  vain  to  invite  each  province  to  elect  representatives 

' . 25 

clothed  with  powers  to  meet  and  legislate  for  the  whole. 

By  the  year  177O  came  an  end  of  the  second  stage  of  reorganizatioi 
ideas,  which  was,  as  has  been  said,  singularly  distinguished  from  the  first 
stage  in  that  it  was  chiefly  political  ani  constitutional,  and  not  military 
,yore  important  was  the  third  stage  of  imperial  reconstruction  projects, 
which  purported  to  solve  the  jarring  constitutional  claims  of  the  two 
great  parts  in  the  empire  not  through  colonial  union,  but  through  .American 

representation  in  the  British  Farliameno. 

'Taxation  without  representation  is  tyranny" — an  American  ouu- 
barst  of  indignation  airakal  by  Srsnyilla— »a3  promptly  ®3t  a plausible 


29. 


'3.  Banoroft,  Biatory  of  tha  Qnitad  Statss,  VI,316;  3a«msl 
3oopar  to  Ihomas  Posnall,  Boston,  Jan.  1,1770,  in  imarioan  aiatorioal  3s- 
visi.,  7111,312.  Hsaring  of  this  proposal,  Virginia  ohoss  Patriot  Bsnry  and 
Siohard  Bland  as  hsr  rsprsssntativss.  4ndrs«  Olivar  broaohsd  tha  plan  in 
sassaohusatts,  but  it  did  not  maat  »ith  ganaral  fs7or.  Bommanting  on  tha 
plan,  Samaal  Boopar  ramarkad; " Sa  do  not  wish  for  an  astablishmant  lika 
iraland."  Ani  ba  axpaotad  that  it  would  ba  naithar  agraaabla  at  homa  nor 

to  the  colonies. 


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-14- 


theory  of  virtual  representation  developed,  by  Jenyns,  yates,  Lyttleton_, 

26 

and  Mansfield,  No  doubt,  the  theory  was  a favorite  one  with  the  minis- 

ters of  the  time,  but  it  could  not  convince  any  one  but  a legal  pedant 

like  Grenville,  This  legal  fiction  was  bitterly  and  widely  repudiated 

2'7 

not  only  in  America,  but  also  in  England,  During  a debate  on  the 

repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  in  1*766,  when  Grenville  tried  to  entangle  Pitt 

in  a discussion  on  virtual  representation,  the  latter  brushed  it  away  with 

one  sweep  of  his  arm:  *'  I come  not  here  , armed  at  all  points,  with  law 

cases  and  acts  of  Parliament,  with  the  statute  book  doubled  down  in  dog’s- 

ears,  to  defend  the  cause  of  Liberty  I am  past  the  time  of  life 

26 

to  be  turning  to  books  to  know  whether  I love  liberty,  or  not.” 

No  sooner  had  the  theory  of  virtual  American  representation 

crumbled  to  pieces  in  the  face  of  severe  criticism,  than  there  arose 

in  the  empire  a strong  agitation  in  favor  of  actual  American  representation 

29 

in  the  Parliament  at  Westminster,  Thus  during  the  next  decade  or 
so  both  at  home  and  in  the  colonies  was  rising  a demand  for 
representation  in  order  to  establish  afresh  the  powers 


26 

M,0.  Tyler,  The  Literary  History  of  the  American  Revolution 
1/  83;  S.  Jenyns,  objections  to  Taxation  of  American  Colonies,  etc,  ; 
Channing,  History  of  the  United  States,  ill,  7l;  T.C. Hansard,  The  Parlia- 
mentary History  of  England,  XVI,  167,  172-175;  A. P. Pollard,  factors  in 
Modern  History,  254. 

^*^Edward  Bancroft,  Remarks  on  the  Review  of  the  Controversy 
between  Great  Britain  and  Her  ColonIes7”etc,  99-102;  i£  defence 

of  the  Exclusive  Right,  etc,  S2-83* 

^28 

i’s.L. Grant,  "Colonial  policy  of  Chatham,"  Queen's  Quarterly, 

XIX,  NO, 2,  123-124;  B.  Wilson,  George  m,  305. 

2^  ——————— 

It  is  now  well  known  that  Gov..  Shirley  and  Dr.  franklin 


jta  -•  r-«-;>  » '■'•«(■  ,*  ■ V'""’ .■"*'.■  ’^■1*  M '- ' ''  ' %L 

^BWEHH  t *^i-'  t'A  . 

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-15- 

to 

of  the  Parliament  over  the  American  dominions  and  thus ^reconstruct 
the  tottering  empire  on  a firm  constitutional  basis.  With  the  ar- 
guments presented  in  support  of  this  claim  by  Otis,  Pownall,  and 

30 

Grenville  we  are  well  familiar.  More  elaborate  arguments  and 

plans  were  offered  by  Crowley,  Bancroft,  and  Bushe. 

31 

Thomas  Crowley,  Chatham’s  correspondent,  proposed  in 
1766  that  Parliament  should  invite  each  colony  "to  elect  and  send 
5,  4,  3,  2,  or  1 members  to  sit  in  Parliament,  so  to  form  an 
union."  In  the  same  year  the  author  of  "Reflexions  on  Representa- 
tion in  Parliament,  &c."  presented  an  ingenious  scheme  of  a similar 
nature.  After  a brilliant  display  of  his  knowledge  of  Blacks tone, 
the  author  poiniid  out  the  constitutionality  and  need  of  "a  more 
complete  representation  of  the  people"  in  the  whole  empire.  Again, 
pointing  out  the  various  benefits  to  arise  out  of  American  repre- 
sentation the  writer  argued:  "This  would  give  every  part  of  the 
British  dominions  a weight  in  the  legislature  proportional  to  its 

importance  in  the  community  and  no  more;...  every  general  election 

urged  representation  as  early  as  1750-1754. 

30 

Besides  those  mentioned  above  are  Stephen  Hopkins ( 1764 ) , 
Lord  Shelbuine  (1766-1767?),  and  William  Knox  (1768),  each  of  whom 
advocated,  or  at  least  favored,  American  representation  in  Parliament 

31 

Thomas  Crowley  published  "Dissertations  on  the  Grand 
Dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  America,"  (Lond.  1774),  and  "Let- 
ters and  Dissertations,  etc."  (Lond.  1776).  However,  they  were 
written  during  the  period  under  our  discussion  here.  Crowley,  a 
Quaker  merchant  who  had  traveled  in  America,  was  a correspondent  of 
Lord  Chatham,  and  Crowley  tried  to  convert  Chatham  and  the  world  to 
one  imperial  parliament  with  representatives  from  Ireland  and  all 
the  Colonies.  Basil  Williams,  Life  of  Pitt,  II,  302;  Basil  Wil- 
liams, "Chatham  and  the  Representation  of  the  Colonies  in  the  Im- 
perial Parliament,"  Eng.  Hist.  Rev.,  XXII,  756-758. 


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-16- 


woTild  not  only  see  the  comparative  increase  or  diminution  “the 

strength  of  Great  Britain  and  America,  hut  every  county  in  England, 

every  province  in  America,  and  every  parish  ...  in  the  V/est-India 

Islands.  This  would  unite  the  colonies  to  the  fellow  subjects  in 

Europe  by  the  closest  ties,  by  the  only  ones  indeed  which  can  form 

an  intimate  and  lasting  union,  the  equality  and  mutual  respect." 

Quite  alike  were  the  arguments  put  forward  in  1769  by  Edward  Ban- 
32  33 

croft  and  Geiv-ase  Barber  Bushe,  who  besides  ably  attacked  the 

theory  of  virtual  representation  and  forcibly  demanded  even  the 

same  sort  of  representation  as  that  enjoyed  by 'British  subjects. 

Elaborate  as  these  writers'  arguments  were  in  advancing  the 

demand  for  American  representation,  they  singularly  failed  to 

submit  any  v/orking  project  of  concrete  nature,  and  this  we  find  in 

34 

the  schemes  of  Maseres,  Growl ey,  and  Adam  Smith.  Butting  his  fin- 

35 

ger  on  the  sore  point  in  the  imperial  system,  Baron  Francis  Maseres 
advocated  what  he  calls  "the  natural  and  obvious  way  of  solution". 


32 

Edward  Bancroft  was  an  Englishman  of  letters,  whose 
career  as  an  English  or  American  spy,  or  both  at  once,  is  well 
known.  He  wrote  a pamphlet  entitled  "Remarks  on  the  Review  of  the 
Controversy  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies."  (Lond.1769). 

33 

Burke  is  £,suppos,eded  to  have  written  "The  Case  of  Great 
Britain  and  America,"  (London,  1769). 

34 

Cf.  Hist.  MSs.  Com.,  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  II,  244;  Monthly 
Review.  (June,  1774),  486. 

36 

Baron  Maseres  (1731-1824),  sometime  attorney-general  of 
Quebec,  is  quite  well  known  by  his  opposition  to  the  Quebec  Act,  and 
his  "Additional  papers  concerning  Quebec,"  (London,  1776),  and  also 
"Considerations  on  the  Expediency  of  Admitting  Representatives  from 
the  American  Colonies  into  the  British  House  of  Commons,"  (London, 
1770) . 


' ‘ ■'/ 


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-17- 

namely,  the  admission  to  Parliament  of  American  representatives. 

"About  four  score  persons,"  he  thought,"  might  be  admitted  to  sit  in 

Parliament  as  members  of  the  House  of  Commons  for  all  the  King's 

dominions  in  America,  the  West  Indies  as  well  as  North  America." 

Thereby,  the  authority  of  the  imperial  Parliament,  he  considered, 

must  be  allowed  to  be  supreme  and  incontestable,  and  all  their  acts 

of  every  kind  must  be  entitled  to  universal  obedience.  Yet,  he 

hastily  added, it  must  be  a standing  order  of  Parliament  never  to 

pass  any  bill  relating  to  any  colony  till  one  year  after  its  first 

reading  so  as  to  allow  an  opportunity  for  a colony  affected 

by  'it  to  make  proper  representations  against  it.  Such  an  equitable 

36 

project  the  author  hoped  America  would  thankfully  accept. 

Crowley  demanc&d,  late  in  1773,  that  "an  Act  of  Parliament 
be  passed  to  grant  the  constitutional  honor  of  being  REALLY  REPRE- 
SENTED in  Parliament  to  such  Colonies,  who  by  petitioning  signed 

by  the  Speaker  of  each  Assembly  on  behalf  of  the  Province,  shall 

37 

REQUEST  such  Favor  of  Government,  which  is  to  be  coupled  with 

II 

Parliamentary  taxation  over  America.  As  a model  of  working  consti- 
tution for  this  expanded  body  politic,  he  recommended  the  constitu- 
tion of  Massachusetts,  where  "more  than  twenty  of  the  most  remote 
of"  lEO  townships  "decline  sending  Representatives,  on  account  of 
distance  and  expence,  nevertheless,  as  they  have  a right  of  repre- 
sentation granted  them,  they  pay  Taxes  in  common  with  those  who 

38 

send  Representatives."  Later,  when  the  trend  of  events  conclusive- 

36 

Maseres,  Considerations,  10-16,  passim. 

37 

(Thos.  Crowley),  Dissertations,  3. 

38 

Ibid. , 9-10. 


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-18- 

ly  indicated  the  coming  of  the  inevitable  03c*i sis  of  the  empire, 

Crowley  gave  his  last  words  on  the  subject.  America  and  Britain, 

he  declared,  should  each  immediately  appoint  ei^t  plenipotentiaries 

to  meet  at  the  Bermudas,  and  "there  dispationately  concert  a happy 

and  durable  Plan  of  Union,  and  just  proportionate  limited  Taxation; 

with  a clause  to  grant  to  any  Colony  a representation  ...  on  their 

39 

petitioning...."  Vividly  he  saw  the  imminent  danger  in  imperial 
politics,  and  accurately  he  pointed  out  the  crux  of  the  whole 
problem- -the  conflict  of  Parliamentary  taxation  and  American  repre- 
sentation. As  a practical  way  out,  he  suggested  colonial  repre- 
sentation and  uniform  taxation  throughout  the  empire,  which  he  be- 
lieved would  save  the  impending  situation.  This  same  principle  was 
more  ably  set  forth  by  Adam  Smith  in  the  same  year  of  1776. 

Smith *s  plan  of  imperial  reorganization  consisted  of, 
politically,  representation  of  every  part  of  the  scattered  empire, 

and,  economically,  of  self-sufficing  free  trade  and  imperial  uni- 
40 

form  taxation.  Thus,  in  the  last  chapter  of  his  celebrated 
"Wealth  of  Nations,"  he  shows  how  the  British  system  of  taxation 
might  be  extended  along  with  representation  in  Parliament  to  the 
colonies  in  such  a way  as  to  produce  a great  addition  to  the  im- 
perial revenue  and  a large  permanent  surplus  for  the  redemption  of 
debt.  Thereupon  the  learned  economist  promptly  recommen^d  "a  fair 

39 

(Thos.  Crowley),  Dissertations,  98-99;  Cf.  Basil  Wil- 
liams, "Chatham  and  the  Representation  of  the  Colonies  in  the  Im- 
perial Parliament,"  Eng.  Hist.  Review,  XZII,  756-758. 

40 

J.  S.  Nicholson,  A Project  of  Empire,  xi. 


ipiv'rV'.'  .'~H.  »!«*>.■  V*'*-  . 1>»»  * 'A'/Cfr*'*  V.*’,*'  •*v'^ 


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•*-.-•■•■  .f  ?'■  ' : ■.' i '%o Q'.s XX  . (ioaVvo-^C  •{!•*)  " ..;/'  ‘ 

••  * oXt  'ii.  ..« ; '\CrX<.C  va'.'*  Xiv  .:r i-'i  rtT'.iv*!.'  '-*:- sj?  ;• 

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-19- 


and  equal  representation  of  all  those  different  provinces”  in  the 

British  Parliament,  or  the  States-General  of  the  British  empire  as 
41 

he  callK.  it.  Thus,  in  place  of  the  Greek  ideal  of  friendly- 
disintegration,  Smith  set  up  the  ideal  of  Roman  organization  with 
one  essential  difference,  viz.  the  provision  for  the  representation 
of  the  outlying  provinces.  It  was  the  absence  of  this  principle, 
in  his  view,  which  ruined  the  Roman  imperial  system, and  it  would  be  the 
adoption  of  this  same  principle  that  would  hind  into  one  the  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  vast  empire. 

Throughout  these  three  projects  of  imperial  reorganiza- 
tion one  easily  recognizes  their  keynote,  that  is,  the  representation 
and  taxation  of  the  empire  in  Parliament.  ^ compared  with  the  ear- 
lier plans  the  emphasis  is  laid  upon  the  practical  and  concrete 
points  at  issue.  Proposals  for  American  representation,  he  it  ob- 
served, actually  ended  with  those  of  Maseres,  Grow ley,  and  Smith. 

When  Adam  Smith  advocated  colonial  representation  at 
Westminster,  he  was  by  no  means  unaware  of  the  difficulties  it 
would  encounter,  but  he  said  it  would  come  "not  from  the  nature  of 

things  but  from  the  prejudice  and  opinion  of  the  people  on  this 

42 

and  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic."  However,  that  was  not 

entirely  the  case.  In  the  first  place,  there  were 

many  people  who  held  that  America  did  not  want  representation  in 


41 

Nicholson,  p£.  crt 213-4  ; Adam  Smith,  Weal th  of  Natiois, 
(2d  Rogers  ed.), 206-7';  W,  Hunt,  Political  History  of  England,  Z,137. 

42  

John  Ra©',,  Life  of  Adam  Smith,  282-283. 


-JMf 


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To.  . 


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BXr' i 7 <<];;■ ^ '■‘^v-i 
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-20- 

Parliament.  For  instance.  Dr.  Franklin,  who  had  proposed  it  in  the 

fifties,  oaffie  definitely  to  oppose  it  by  1767-^^  «hen  citizens  of 

Bostons  were  told  in  l768  that  Parliament  might  offer  to  receive  their 

44 

representatives,  they  declared  that  they  did  not  want  it.  'Indeed, 
such  was  the  general  tone  of  the  majority  opinion  on  both  sides  of 
the  sea.  A close  analysis  of  this  attitude  to  the  proposed  system 
of  imperial  reorganization  would  bring  to  light  two  main  categories  of 
objections  those  of  a geographical  and  those  of  a political  and 

social  nature. 

The  3,000  miles  of  hazardous  Atlantic  voyage,  it  was  clear, 
had  to  be  overcome  in  case  a project  for  representation  was  put  into 
operation.  This  geographical  obstacle  was  generally  taken  up  as  the 
conclusive  and  fatal  argument  against  the  system  on  the  anvil.  The 
most  brilliant  argument  against  it  was  voiced  by  Edmund  Burke  who  portray- 
3d  a vivid  picture  of  the  awkward  and  harmful  working  of  such  a constitu- 
tion. "But,"  said  the  Bristol  representative,  "let  us  suppose  all 
those  moral  difficulties  got  over.  The  ocean  remains.  you  cannot 

pump  this  dry;  . • • * ^ 

remove  the  eternal  barriers  of  the  creation'."  But  nature,  he  con- 


Franklin,  Writings,  (Smyth  ed.),  V,  17.  74;  456. 

eotblack,  op.  cit.,  184;  P.O.Hutohinson,  .Diwy Jf^i^ilters 
of  Thomas  Hutchinson,  II,  183^^* 

Thus  on  Feb.  11,  1768,  the  ^Massachusetts  House  of  Repre- 
senStives  resolved  that  they  could  not  be  equally  represented  because  o 
being  separated  by  an  Ocean  of  1000  leagues.  Similar  resolutions  were 
made  by  other  provincial  and  county  bodies. 

^^Burke,  ^/iritings  and  Speeches,  (Beaconsfield  ed),II,  135-158  ^ 
Burke,  Selections,  53-57- 


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tinued,  is  too  hard  for  representation;  and  America  is,  and  ever 
will  he,  without  actual  representation...;  nor  v;ill  any  minister  he 
wild  enough  even  to  propose  such  a representation  in  Parliament. 

As  collateral  difficulties,  others  pointed  out  that  it  would  he  im- 
possible for  American  members  of  Parliament  to  meet  any  emergency 
call  of  sessions,  and  that  enormous  expenses  as  well  as  lack  of  due 
intelligence  would  make  representation  useless,  if  not  harmful. 

Besides  the  geographical  harrier  coupled  with  its  corol- 
laries, there  were  no  less  serious  obstacles  of  a political  and  social 
nature  in  the  way  of  representation.  On  the  British  side,  it  was 
opposed  on  the  ground  that  America  had  no  gentry  class  worthy  of 
Parliamentary  seats.  S’ ear  was  entertained  of  the  introduction  of 
American  members  to  Westminster.  ”The  sudden  importation  of  so 
much  eloquence,”  said  Jenyns,  "at  once  would  greatly  endanger  the 
safety  and  government  of  this  country;  ...our  most  excellent  consti- 
tution."  Again,  it  was  feared  that  despite  Parliamentary  regula- 
tion, the  jarring  interests  of  the  various  dependencies  mi^t 

48 

destroy  the  very  fabric  of  the  British  imperial  system. 

Across  the  sea,  on  the  American  side,  graver  objections 
were  raised.  Americans  justly  criticized  open  corruption  in  and  out 
of  Parliament.  Besides  corrupting  our  ideas  of  government  and  our 
manners,  an  alliance  with  Britain,  they  protested,  would  open  every 
Senate  and  Council  Chamber  on  the  continent  to  the  influence  of 

47 

Jenyns,  p£.  cit. , 429;  Of.  William  Barron,  Colonization 
of  Free  States,  150-151. 

48 

Reflections  moral  and  Political  on  G-reat  Britain  and  her 
Colonies  ( London,  1770 ) , 21. 


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49 

British  gold.  it  was  also  said  that  in  Parliaicent  British  msmbers  would 

outvote  the  American  representatives,  because  of  the  possible  numerical 

superioritjf  of  the  former  over  the  latter.  Representation  is  not  safe, 

it  was  complained,  because  of  being  liable  to  too  partial  and  heavy  taxa- 
50 

tion.  Therefore,  they  denounced,  it  would  be  "not  a blessing  but  a 

51 

snare"  for  America. 

Thus,  apart  from  the  obstacle  of  the  Atlantic  waters  there 
stood  in  the  way  of  representation  the  American  lack  of  a gentry  class 
and  its  supposed  destructive  influence  on  the  constitution,  as  well  as 
the  American  fear  of  British  corruption  and  of  being  outvoted  in  parlia- 
ment. These  natural,  political  and  social  difficulties  were  hardly 
ignored  even  by  the  advocates  of  a representation  system.  To  mention 
but  one,  Baron  Maseres  devoted  over  twenty-three  pages  to  the  discussion 
of  the  inevitable  objections;  yet  he  discounted  all  the  others,  Burke's 
"Opposuit  iiiiatura"  was  still  insuperable.  Being  well  aware  of  this 
fact,  Crowley  urged  as  a happy  medium  the  adoption  of  an  enlarged  edition 
of  the  Massachusetts  constitution. 

The  opposition  on  these  and  other  grounds  to  American  repre- 
sentation was  no  less  strong  in  the  field  of  actual  politics  than  in  that 
of  political  speculation.  As  early  as  in  the  year  of 

A O 

"^^(Jchn  Almon),  Ths  Remembrancer,  pt.  1,289. 

50 

(Crowley),  Dissertation,  5^23;  Mass.  Bist.  Soc. , Collections 
4th  series,  IV, 440. 

^^(John  Adams, and  Jonathan  Sewall),Bovanglus,and  Massachu- 
settensis;  or  Political  Essays,  108-109;  John  Adams,  in  his  "Address  to 
the" Inhabit ants”of”Ssiachu^^  of  March  13,  1775,  summed  up  all  ths 

points  of  objection  to  American  representation  in  the  British  Parliament. 


— -L  S - ' /JXJIa 


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the  Stamp  Act  congress,  the  idea  of  colonial  representation  in 

Parliament  ceased  to  he  heard  of,  men  generally  acquiescing  in  "Sam" 

Adams'  view  that  it  was  wholly  impracticable.  As  already  alluded 

to,  the  Massachusetts  house  of  representatives,  other  similar 

bodies,  and  town  and  parish  meetings  resolved  one  after  another 

that  their  representation  was  impracticable,  impossible,  and  even 

52 

"inconsistent  with  the  English  constitution." 

In  point  of  fact,  there  v/as  little  probability  that  Great 
Britain  would  admit  American  members  to  the  Parliament  at  West- 
minster. On  March  1,  1768,  De  Berdt,  a London  agent  of  the  House 

of  Representatives  of  Massachusetts,  reported  that  there  was  "no 

63 

probability  of  admittance  to  send  Representatives  here;..." 

Lord  Ohatham,  proposing,  on  January  9,  1770,  in  Parliament  a reform 

bill  concerning  English  and  Scotch  representation,  never  said  a 

54 

word  about  colonial  representation.  Gommenting  on  this  point. 
Prof.  Grant  observes This  Imperial  Parliament  he  (Chatham)  would 
have  made  more  truly  Imperial;  he  urged  reform  at  home,  and  the 
idea  of  Colonial  representation  in  both  Houses  of  the  Imperial  Par- 
liament at  least  floated  before  his  mind;  but  to  the  last  Chatham 


52 

Samuel  Adams,  Writings , (Cushing  ed.)  I,  186;  Votes  and 
Proceedings  of  Boston,  1772,  11-12;  Peter  Eorce,  Ameri^_^n_Arehi^ 
4th  series,  I,  529 . As  already  noted  the  Massachusel;'ts”'House ~o? 
Representatives  resolved  against  representation  on  Peb.  11,  1768, 
and  did  so  again  on  Jan.  23,  1773. 

53 

Colonial^  See, of  ^ XIII.  331. 

54  

Cf.  Basil  Williams,  "Chatham  and  Representation," 

Eng.  Hist.  Rev.,  XXII,  766-758;  Hall,  "Chatham's  Colonial  Policy," 
Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  V,  664. 


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-24- 


was  true  to  the  ideal  of  Imperial  control". 

Four  years  afterwards,  Governor  Pownall,  the  zealous 

I 

advocate  of  representation,  reviewed  with  authority  the  point  in 
question  when  he  said:  "A  British  Union  of  all  the  British  domin- 
ions, hy  admitting  the  American  Colonies  into  Parliament,  has  been 
now  for  nearly  twenty  years  repeatedly  recommended  to  this  country, 
by  those  who  knew  circumstances  of  both  countries....  V/hen  it  was 
first  proposed,  v/ithin  the  period  of  the  last  war,  it  might  have 
been  easily,  and  would  have  been  chearfully  carried  into  execution. 
Ten  years  ago  it  was  not  yet  desperate--but  the  spirit  of  this 
country  disclaimed  the  idea:  and  the  government  of  it  never  v/ill 
or  can  engage  in  any  such  measure,...  The  nation,...  slept  while 
it  pronounced- -Time  is  to  come. — Time  is. — ...  Time*s  past. 

56 

The  Colonies  now  in  their  turn  have  1 earnt  to  renounce  this  union." 

Early  in  1778,  when  Under -Secretary  of  State  William  Eden 

was  busy  drafting  the  peace  terms  to  America  to  be  proposed  by  the 

Carlisle  commission,  it  was  thought  and  asked:  "Shall  any  share  of 

57 

Representation  in  the  House  of  Commons  be  given?"  However,  the 
commission,  on  their  arrival  in  America,  proposed  no  such  term, 
but  recommended  an  establishment  of  reciprocal  deputation  of  each 
other *s  Parliament,  which  offer  was  flatly  rejected  by  the  Congress 


55 

V/,  L.  Grant,  "Pitt*s  Theory  of  Empire,"  Queen* s Quarter- 
ly, XVI,  Ho.  1,  36.  What  Prof.  Grant  meant  by  Pitt's  ideal  of  the 
Imperial  control  is  Parliamentary  control  of  trade  navigation. 

56 

Thomas  Pownall,  Administration  of  the  British  Colonies. 

II,  82-83. 

57 

B.  P.  Stevens,  Facsimiles , IV,  Ho.  379,  5. 


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-25- 


at  Philadelphia.  With  this  sad  result  there  came  practically  an  end  to 
the  agitation  and  speculation  on  American  representation  in  the 
imperial  parliament. 

Such  . were  the  problems  of  the  British  empire 
and  solutions^suggested  in  the  course  of  a century  and  a quarter  since 
1650.  First,  it  was  mainly  the  question  of  imperial  defence  and 
colonial  union,  which  stood  in  the  forefront  of  the  imperial  politics 
up  to  the  Seven  Years'  War.  Then  came  the  problem  of  constitutional 
reconstruction  of  the  empire.  This  transition  from  the  first  stage 
to  the  second  took  place  at  the  close  of  the  war,  and  it  is  characteri- 
zed with  such  vague  suggestions  for  imperial  reform  as  those  by  Pitt, 
.Johnson,  Pownall,  and  the  New  York  assembly.  Lastly,  the  third  stage 
began  when  attempts  were  made  to  solve  the  same  problem  by  means  of 
colonial  representation  in  the  British  parliament.  Thus,  having  survey 
ed  at  some  length  the  three  stages  of  imperial  reorganization,  we 
are  now  ready  to  proceed  to  another  stage,  where  the  old  problem, 
it  was  thought,  would  be  solved  through  schemes  built  upon  the  prin- 
ciples of  colonial  autonomy  and  parliamentary  supremacy'. 


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Chapter  II 

Plans  of  Colonial  Autonomy  under  Parliament 

VThile  severe  criticism  was  deraolishins  the  project  for 
American  representation,  counter  projects  for  imperial  reorganization 
based  on  the  principles  of  colonial  autonomy  and  Parliamentary  su- 
premacy were  being  suggested.  Apparently  these  aimed  to  reconcile 
the  two  f ‘.mdamental  questions  at  issue;  "Should  there  be  a British 
empire  ruled  by  Parliament  in  all  its  parts,  either  in  England  or 
oversea,  or  should  Parliament  govern  at  home,  and  should  the  provin- 
cial assemblies  govern  in  America  with  only  a federal  bond  to  unite 
them?”^  In  doing  so,  the  new  system  endeavored  to  formulate  some  sort 
of  0 onat it ut ion  'midway  ■'  between  the  two  extremes  just  mentioned.  A 
closer  study,  however,  reveals  that  the  solution  now  proposed  by 
this  system  involved  nothing  more  than  the  recognition  of  the  im- 
perial system  then  actually  in  existence. 

Within  thisnewset  of  schemes  are  found  three  kinds,  viz. 
those  of  (l)uniform  imperial  taxation,  (2 ) provincial  legislative  in- 
dependence, and  (3)federal  legi slati on  and  royal  administrative  con- 
trol. The  first  and  Second  kind  were  founded  on  the  assumption  of  ac- 
tual supremacy  of  British  Parliament,  while  the  third  was  founded  on 
legal  or  theoretical  supremacy  of  the  Parliament.  Again,  according  to 
the  first  tv;o  systems,  the  Grovm  had  no  control  whatsoever  of  Amer- 
ican governments  except  as  part  of  the  British  legislature,  while 

1 

Van  Tyne,  American  Revolution,  11. 


ftr^ 


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■ A,-. 


- il 


pj>j  :p'-  ‘ '.‘T 


f,i\%  . • i-  '•  ' ' '■  • 

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i tiji  ^ A W*  J^«>>JB^  ^liKrv^  *>4fa«LWA«//#^  . 


K ' ■;^f.aoer*y/«?  • If-A  C<9a  ; >‘'f«T4ll*>T  .V^W'0y  'pfejfe 


m-\-\ 

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fti  iff; : , f *(  r*  S 'if f feX' ' vhf^f  ’"<%  is^j^bTOJ 


V 


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■•  ■ ■'&  A 


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-27- 


by  the  third  system,  the  King  was  to  have  large  powers  through  his 
appointment  of  a royal  representative,  who  was  to  be  vested  with 
administrative  authority^ 

Speaking  of  the  plans  for  uniform  imperial  taxation,  one 

will  readily  recall  what  Adam  Smith  said  concerning  the  extension  of 

the  British  taxation  system  to  all  the  outlying  provinces  of  the 

empire.  This,  he  considered,  could  not  be  done  without  their  repre- 

2 

sentation  in  the  British  parliament.  On  the  contrary,  the  author 

of  the  "Plan  of  Reconciliation  (1776) declared  that  the  British 

taxation  should  extend  throughout  the  great  empire  without  any  colonial 

representation  at  Westminster,  because  such  representation  would  be 

impracticable  at  any  rate.  "The  whole  essence  of  this  political 

controversy  (between  America  and  Britain)"  he  wrote,  "will  be  found, 

by  all  honest  and  impartial  men,  to  consist  in  two  objects.  First, 

in  obtaining  Justice  for  England  by  American  taxation.  Secondly,  in 

obtaining  constitutional  Security  for  America  in  the  operation  of  our 

5 

taxation  laws." 

This  writer  tried  to  devise  a system  which  would  recon- 
cile the  jarring  claims  of  both  England  and  America,  and  found  " a 
lasting  principle  of  Reconciliation"  in  the  uniform  imperial 
taxation.  "As  all  Government,"  he  said,  "implies  expence,  so  equal 
Justice  requires  that  all  expences  necessary  for  the  protection  of 
the  States, should  be  divided,  by  some  equal  rule,  amongst  all  those 
2 

Smith,  Wealth  of  Nations,  (World  Library  ed,),  748. 

— 

A plan  of  Reconciliation  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
Colonies,  etc.y  2. 


Y i 


* •.*  ‘ . 


dStv  <iti^  X«^o't  a ^ iAo«#8ioq^« 


30 


Ki^. 


,tnt:B 


■•  - ( 
li 


Bn{^  '•1  'bo ' 

■ j.  ....  -y  ' '■'-■i  f ■ '^  '- 

10 mi  ^cJisn«e£Tut  ti4s  ui^jiL  ^^11  'IXi>r 


<sd 


54?  POCa?YOT?5  t>d-  lU  c?'*$?cy.8  iaiiflTJif  ji4? 


V * ;^aodliv  Jon  oluoft  ^J!>on%fci.aaoo  od 


a/ 


9#»  edi  *iiti»«siX*iai  atii^lTS  Mi  'SU  a^liMitnd^ 

^,,._  ’ '.VjT  ■ ,,^::  i ’ 1 

odif  ? adx  fc ?i'iJtln^fc  '* , / dtr  1}  36 ' ii'i  Xi wiqoS^-  aal^*^  «4t  5o 


v««  e,^‘g»*e  *di  Suoit’^^yijU  sli<d»  etj 

^ ..  '■■*  f 

;y  «*  <H?  ^Xi»ow  *K>i*«?'iow£^<?e  i ^fcfl8  ^^ttt'^c^6d  J4i  ffoiXa^iesoTcsoa  'B 


' i»cii-ii<5Jr  !«  ewa^4-?  ,^te«  adi^  t<ra 

; " ^ ^ ‘ . . '"  'J  "'■f: 

ad  niBJXtr  ifi4  Adt^etdl  x«*dY6t^tidt 

.__  ■ 1^. 

‘U  JyXs^ioc  *6?  ^Mar  i»iXi4Kj»t  i:«  iiianfij!  Xlo^  ^d' 


•Ti  ,^:Xfcrti3C^c  4«oitfcYd-»  MalSftS  10I  ^Jipta^do 

^^iie  lo  7ci  i(snn^c«?  iaaoiXotiiliijoc^^aXoijrdd^ 

U-.  'gf‘-'*-'t'ti-*' 

^ wtci'it  bKooif  c ^diftit  04  taXi-JW  aidTf  ^ 


>sn4£  sdiXoJU^;?  > 

’ ,^.  - 


tyj-- 


'i 


8 ' t,tDol  taM  ,seit^i*  i«4  tflalial  (tifld  Is  aaUIo  satxttt  vki  «Xie*’ 
. Xaijn^juX  aiolinv  sdi  ai  ^'aoiXjsHtwooa  lo  olgiwii^^^aiiBaX 
, ibcr^o  o^  X.9C  i^jc«  ,i»i«s  ©if  %?fi«ajfft©YOc/  lla  eA**  . .iiotlaxoX^ 

■^-  IS*  ^ , " cr-  ■ ' ■ ! * ‘ 

16  a{yiSc^ic-.t4  Mi  lol  ^‘x«oae6^ -aeprtoqji^,  Ho  Xad#  kaidBpii^otJactr 

* -^  ■ ' ' ' ' '''  l'  ' "'  8.'i 

^Y6fiX  lU  Xs^QM©  ^Uai  iMM  M >d.iXljctoclo\84iBXS  adxti 

•3^\;  ^£;.4e  v'i«34i.i.Hia^X':g«aeXlA'1  tp  liXXooif  ^Xiac^ 

•X3d  *%f!/}  aiali^i<X  ^aa^S  ae®i»X©d‘ trpxlsilicdocf^  "ho  d#K  - . d 


.'4fe*V  LJh)^-.’:- 


if>-a  ‘ 


>t. 


L?.  i..' 


-jjL 


-28- 

individuals  in  the  coiniiiunity  who  have  possession  of  the  property  . ^ 
According  to  him,  it  is  of  no  consequence  to  justice,  whether  the  geo- 
graphical situation  of  the  property  be  found  on  the  norther  or  souther  side 
of  the  river  Trent,  on  this  or  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean;  so 
long  as  it  is  equally  protected  by  the  fleets  and  armies  furnished  by 
the  States.  Thus  in  his  mind  "geographical  distance  of  place  ..... 

5 

creates  no  obstruction  to  the  operation  of  our  taxation  laws " 

The  ture  and  only  constitutional  principle,  he  argued,  upon  which  the 
parliament  of  Great  Britain  could  tax  them  in  common  with  the  people 
of  England,  where  the  nature  of  the  tax  would  permit  . . . Thus  all 
tax  laws  intended  to  affect  the  colonies  would  become  so  general  laws 
as  to  affect  England  and  the  colonies-  alike;  so  that  no  tax  might  be 
paid  by  "our  distant  provinces,"  but  what  is  obliged  to  be  paid  in  the 
same  manner  and  proportion  in  England.  Since  Britain's  annual  expenditure 
rose  to  enormous  sums,  continued  the  writer,  "the  distant  provinces  should 
contribute,  a tax  on  all  houses  and  land,  tax  upon  all  rents  arising  from 
houses  or  land,  all  debentures,  upon  goods  exported  to  distant  provinces. 
Stamp. Act  be  new-modelled,  to  be  extended  to  Colonies." 


4 

A Plan  of  Reconciliation  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colo- 
nies; etc.,  5. 

5 

pid,  52. 

6 

Ibid,  13-22  passim. 


i.fe^ 


r ' . 


tl  ■ 


li|i 


a-  y --.  .-H  :%-msi--r>m 

• • • ^ ^7  •■.  ^ Ltn*  ^ 


-o«t  ^ o?j  goHioocA 


«n^a  asil;>tio«  no  a4t  ac M lc 

•!lf  *'  0^5  t ideOO  tUcAi^tA  e4t  1£o  ncii^o 


^<^^al3aut  ^^iai^i*  fco*,j^.teXr  a4i  fe^rfoeloiq.  fj  ^ 

■■  ■?'  -j*  , ' ' ■ ■ . , i 

. , . ; . «citf(ii‘^o  »*>«i«i4tf5>4a6t4  i«i‘ao©?'‘  B«?a  JilK  »t|  B9<lt  J 

■ Ri  ' * .c*^  '"  'l''- 


¥ 


<twal  OOiJaiai  100  aO  ioi  J ^ < O'^  Oil 

y -M.  - ” ' ^ '*<^  ' t. 

• ’•  , •05<»  0d  i«ffonx#^tw*s0oc  (X®^  haa  o^S 

■ * *■  — "a  * - ’-y"  '^ ' ' • 


U iO^iq.  vd0  d#i»  ctow«ioO  soA^  Mi<os  ^0a#* 


Xfc  »i^4v  • * ♦ <taics  jbrjoa  i00'  a4t  1o  rjui.p  }\t«idC|0'ij^© 

. ifc^cX  t^i’ide'S  09  ^.no^«a4  i)X<»o«  a^iaoXoo  oS  bok^otofi  9,mt  ti^i 

' ' 5*^  »■  i"<  "-§. 

oef  diitti.,-  ict  Or  •B^i'.aoicie  Mie  ea 

, ..  ’•■•  .”■; 

&6t  lit  hiJbq  60  oJ  /MJfiXl'k)  Mtr^4dy\Jiis<i  \3«ciffi^O^0  taa^sil  *ioo® 

f/‘  '-^V-  ‘ -.  A '’'.  ■ *^  ' o 

«'i00iB{ra<rt0.Jatt0rtd  ,B«T«i^aa  <ii  aoXi'^oa^* 


^•\ 


bi  jcA^  lira^^c  'WitX^yjoo  , i«u»  w^io0« 

* . - ' -V-  'ii  ; j!fc’‘ 

-tls^  liUilla  ,et*m  X4#t  )C*jc  caa'^iwai^od  £1q  oo  ^0.t0oii0£iot 


^‘‘ .SAC/itTow  8jUWi'i«  okx>|  <io«|o  ^baaX  ,tt6a«;ik 

» r . » ' , , ' a ' ' 

“ .‘^dJtoloC  t ftCT  :-x  40'  00  ,fceXl4£>o«^»t3a  od  ;fo4iq»a|Sy 


••^  Vt.'j 


• *. 

',ySi. 


r ■•“  '*— > * 

- I / »y  ■ . 

-oIoO  ! le  J^6’Tf  -555%^60  Aoiliiixx 011004^  lo  o^Xl  i 


•f^ 


““is  t.00,6  ^lein 


6--^- 

4 » 

fc 


•^  \ .*  ‘f 

: 1*.J  ...  . ft 


-...  - '^£i( 


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"t’/v  V - ";. .,, 

■ ■ O 


.lien**  iS-^^.,i^4I 


» «■ 


“V  ,/ 


IX 


4. 


;-liri.' 


0i ' 


y<Cj 


tsswarr 


'tar*>"*.iietf’iter  j: 


-29- 

Golonial  representati on  in  Parliament,  which  idea  had  been 
much  discredited  by  this  time,  received  only  a scant  attention.  The 
colonists  in  America,  he  contended,  voluntarily  left  their  native 
country.  • .consequently  putting  it  out  of  their  power  to  become 
electors  for  representatives  to  serve  in  the  British  Parliament.  If 
they  wanted  to  vote,  he  again  contended,  they  should  come  back  to 

7 

Great  Britain.  Furthermore,  he  maintained  that  America  should  re- 
ceive "the  full  benefit  and  security  of  the  English  constitution,  by 
being  taxed  in  common  with  His  Majesty's  subjects  residing  in  Eng- 
land."® Viewed  in  the  light  of  such  contentions  the  author  of  the 
"Plan  of  Reconciliation"  must  still  have  entertained  an  old  notion 
that  the  supremacy  of  Parliament  must  be  maintained  even  at  the  ex- 
pense of  colonial  self-government.  Therefore,  this  plan  would  not 
have  solved  the  problem  at  issue,  but  it  merely  would  have  left  Amer- 
ica with  her  grievances.  Nothing  was  conceded  to  America,  and  the 
proposed  uniform  taxation  system,  on  the  contrary,  added  to  the  bur- 
den already  borne  by  the  colonists.  Morever,  this  scheme  would  have 
definitely  established  the  hitherto  questioned  supremacy  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  it  also  set  aside  the  project  of  American  representation. 
Such  being  the  case,  the  uniform  imperial  taxation  plan  could  only 
add  fuel  to  the  troubles. 

The  second  system,  which  is  now  to  be  considered,  was  dis- 
cussed during  the  years  1773-1775  by  prominent  loyalists  and  con- 

7 

A Plan  of  Reconciliati on  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
Colonies;  etc.^',  43 

8 

Ibid..  113 


_ — __■ — -— ^-  .■,  ^v--i'wp^jiie-“' 


IRP#  4I^^•  I • W f Y.-  *-  ^ ^■■.' 71 -'T-r- ' ' ''*r  ^^TvO' 

rtL'*''''^ ''SV-  ’ ;'i'  '"■  V, 

1 1 S 'T ■i.4 


"■'■"Mf'i.  •*  ••  • '•;  ,^v> /,  rcr^JiiKP  1 

t*  ''■  L;.'.' /.  ■ ;-V.  f ,.  . T ■'*  -V^i  '-•-•'  j 


<t»..t  T4-1#  .“s  *if  If  ft  at’’  ‘ 1^  ^^-1;  ■,  4. i * '• 

■ •’i*  !-  ■ •■■  .•  ...  ■ . W.T-  .'•  . .-•V'  ..’V.  .}-|/».  *'>ii 


! 


■ .^3 ' J ;jJ!>. . pJi  i ^*tr 


iftr  I ,..y?ri1^!VS  .i-  •<),a  fl  i 


,>•  * tcw'  ^10  *|!|^:.  6<.(i  t-4‘<V4il^i.<  .^j<y-;J|i^: 


-30- 


servative  constitutionalists  like  Edmund  Burke  as  alternatives  to  the 
systems  of  representation  already  fatally  criticized.  The  new  system, 
whose  keynote  was  provincial  legislative  control,  contained  little 
that  was  new  or  liberal.  It  was  intended  to  maintain  the  existing 
constitution  of  the  colonies  and  empire  although  in  a somewhat  improved 
form.  Every  one  of  these  schemes  embodying  this  was  bound  up  with 
the  idea  that  Parliamentary  supremacy  must  be  maintained  at  any  cost, 
or  the  very  empire  itself  would  break  asunder.  They  all  conceded 
that  provincial  legislatures  should  be  allowed  independence  of  Parliament 
in  their  local  concerns.  Therefore,  the  system  they  proposed  was 
entirely  foreign  to  the  projects  of  colonial  federation  under  Parlia- 
ment, or  imperial  federation  through  colonial  representation.  Then 
it  is  not  difficult  to  see  that  such  a system  was  merely  an  improved 

edition  of  the  existing  constitution  in  the  British  empire. 

G 

Among  the  advocates  of  this  conservative  constitutional 
system  were  leading  loyalists  like  Thomas  Hutchinson,  lYyles  Cooper, 
and  Samuel  Seabury.  All  of  them  agreed  to  the  principles  of  Parlia- 
mentary supremacy  and  provincial  legislative  independence.  These 
two  principles  shaped  their  projects  for  imperial  reconstruction  which 
were  utterly  devoid  of  originality  and  historical  background.  In 
his  speech  of  January  6,  1775^  iu  the  Massachusetts  assembly.  Governor 
Hutchinson  reviewed  at  great  length  the  prevailing  political  thought 
in  the  colonies.  It  has  been  urged,  he  said,  that  it  is  part  of 
the  liberties  of  English  subjects,  which  has  its  foundation  in  nature, 
to  be  governed  by  laws  made  by  their  own  consent  in  person,  or  by 
their  representatives  ; that  the  subjects  in  t his  province  are 


--£r^^  tiC  ,5?3>W*i^2i^Ie  W ^i<4i  si Uaci'itf i evUArsos  * 

f*'^  Br,*  ' *:  " '•  ^ I . r ' ' ■ ~ 

' '"^-v  , -■  . ■ ■ •'■-^'  •'  • , „ 

r • ■ ' • c ■“■  ••  . , '’.•  4'  " " ■•’•n-  V,  V* 

i.  .>-v . 4 V 

' ST  fifed 


"■^  ■ - ‘ ■■'*  ..  |f“ . 

iS*'  . ' ‘ 1 _ ■><, 

‘ ‘V?  ''  "'P’  ' 


l.'i- 


Ic* '*'■  * '’’’'  ' J <5  i/'-tV' ■■ 

i>otfit09*o  lla  liecXi  ^to 

' **  t'  '«it  ■'^  ' '■ 

' lo  #^c  5tv.dll  ^.f*;o^i»f ttljoC  I*ijpaiio‘X<r'*?^]^'tf 

'2  «uJ  .^^aifijCs^p  litbSl  iXddi  avi 

-^stVltS  XQll  d^o  40 

•tt3(i'4  f iiooXo^  2oiJoi<ifc*V  l«4ii©<jiiX  nj 

’■  '’’’  ' 't  ' y ■ "^  * ' V/^*jS‘  ■” 

foa*  4i44  oetf  y^  ‘ i^I3dini:f^  ^ojT 

**'■''  ' ' r * " ‘ 


■',*4 


■ ifii^yUnHXm^  ,6iFii»'*i«ift»o£'  ic*  ooiiwW  tiU  . . .. 

' - ' - ■ f'  ■ : 1...™  -*  ‘■’*  * ''"’^J 

•■^.1  ^ - V'_ 


^•^o&iTr^t^^‘•da  ^wo4.  *<£X  iJl4j‘(jp*X  jBltfoX  c*fcw 


-atlT^  h’i  m9l^lnci^i  sA:i  o a idd-tjjdi  s^tii  16  Iti  »?3odijeS.  ifoadg^a  ^ 


- * t^<?a I eyl#aifigtj|ei  jL>sioai^lij  Xa« 
aciX-«id4fini^^*X8ii<Mr<ii  lo^  -risdi  ^d9«d«  eoLtcia'x^  cfi* 

' *•  . .'  V • . ’ I ' "'1^  *■ 

, f;‘  - III  aR«e'.i.:^o«.^  X»ctwti<f'^k«  tiiX«a.t|rtio  io  ^iCYcfr^tl-foXXo  e'l^^.^:,, 

ui  t^Cf  X \a  ?.i»dtt^  1c  dcJ^^di^' 

t^~  -.1^  ' S - . * ‘•*'*>tjfLL/ 

X^ciJifcfF  i^XlUv^T^  ^4,diJ|aeI^d«^  X«i?8Xvt3 
Si  >t}^  Jtw  vJs^i^Xi , l4<id  *\tj^B  ,tid^9  ff#8<(  esft  41  •ewooXco  ^Si  ai 
^ fX  doii’o:/08o‘i  iuii  ioiin,  taX«Ki*tfOa  1o  %' 


tt'icif^ri  ui*  vg.oS.ii60  fl#6  itodi  o^o«  ewMl  ^tl  iFwtievc^  «Kf<‘c^;< 

■■  .*  ^ ' , . ..  • . iJn  ' - . ' •■.^'t^‘.  *'  -A 


' ^M-if 


M*-*. 


-31- 

not,  and  can  not  te  represented  in  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain; 
and,  consequently,  the  acts  of  that  Parliament  cannot  he  binding 

9 

upon  them.  do  not  find,  gentlemen,”  continued  the  governor,  "in 

the  charter,  such  an  expression  as  sole  power,  or  any  words  which 
import  it.  I know  of  no  line  that  can  be  drawn  between  the  supreme 
authority  of  Parliament  and  the  total  independence  of  the  colonies; 
it  is  impossible  there  should  be  two  independent  Legislatures  in  one 
and  the  same  State;  for  although  there  may  be  but  one  head,  the  Zing, 
yet  the  two  Legislative  bodies  make  two  governments  as  distinct  as 
the  Zingdom  of  England  and  Scotland  before  the  Union.  If  we  might 
be  suffered  to  be  altogether  independent  of  Great  Britain,  could  we 
have  any  claim  to  the  protection  of  that  government,  of  which  we  are 
no  longer  a part?”^^  Any  plan,  he  maintained,  by  which  the  kingdom 
and  the  colonies  are  no  longer  one  empire  is  imperfect.  Again,  a 
year  later,  he  expressed  that  he  had  'hever  had  one  plan  for  the 
government  of  America.  The  supremacy  of  Parliament  must  never  be 
given  up.”  Nevertheless,  Hutchinson  earnestly  desired  for  the 
provincial  legislatures  the  full  enjoyment,  especially  in  matters 
of  taxation,  of  all  powers  consistent  with  this  supremacy. 

After  all,  what  the  loyal  governor  thought  of,  observes 
Hosmer,  as  the  happy  solution  of  the  problem  of  the  British  empire 
was  in  all  essential  respects  what  has  been  hit  upon  as  the  English 

9 

J.  Z.  Hosmer,  Life  of  Thomas  Hutchinson,  365. 

10 

Ibid.  365-367;  P.  0.  Hutchinson,  0£.  cit » , I . 409n. 

11 

P.  0.  Hutchinson,  0£.  cit . . I,  188-189,  214;  Hosmer, 
op.  cit . , 260-261. 


V'  ^ '•v.-''^  ■ J , . •'  '/Ti 

ij; if'3 H C -V'V  ^V, ■•«>;.*.%  ft lh‘i  'JRfc'i X»c  t=S;T'  .f it'ft 


»a 


4 ■ - \i  «fe'  ■ . *'  < . ,..‘v>J 


■'^‘b:,  ^Hi'.;  p^'  '’.it':  f>4iJl5cbS; 

ft:  * ..  . ■'■■'*..•  ..  , fi.,  -..  . , J .;.  • i‘*.i_-.^'  .'  jt. . »«  -:'^  ■ 


Tlr'  w"'  7 '.  : ■ ’-  , ■ ■'■^'  . '.  • .•»■  ‘ 

-C'  Rjr  9‘fj:qtt[0'  WIO  ’6‘a 

‘^^'.•T'  • .*’’.•  ■ ■..  'if . '.•^^‘ ' ‘ ^-''i  '’  ~ ■' 

;ii ...  ;fwncf  *r^70jf  Jt>#il'  d .•  'i tJ. 

|.<i\  "t>"  ’ ' . " - ’■s,  ’ , ‘ '■’  ' 

''■M  wirvtt  ■.T&^TCT  tp.  ^0Amet<rp« ■• 


. . 

/ -r  '-'  ' ■ 'V  -isC^  - ' 'rii  r^i  -'' 


jV"  rti'^hpiU"  fl(6W»  ^•3j;«.§'v9f%  v?^  . txk  I 


iU;;i*rf  ,j 


• -f^l 


jy<;''*''r;  ; _ ^ -^iJi  . ■ ''3S 

■ ^»?e£-0M-  ,»1  P’  r/ir?!^  • ' .. .'';'"T-.  .,-ij 

i:  tv  • ■ -•  '^'  • -.'•‘425S'*2^P 


'6' 


■,5* 


r -‘  ■ 


f^'Pi  ' 


i 'kf^-i 


-32- 

policy  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Each  colony  within  its  own  limits 

administers  itself,  quite  unvexed  by  interference  from  the  mother 

land:  each  colony  admits  the  power  at  home, — colonial  autonomy  under 

12 

Parliamentary  supremacy.  Favorable  as  this  view  of  his  theories 
would  be  to  Hutchinson  he  was  not  very  far  from  it. 

The  plan  submitted  in  1774  by  Dr.  Myles  Cooper,  president 
of  King*s  College,  is  based  on  ”a  formal  allowance  of  the  rightfull 
supremacy  in  general  of  Great  Britain  over  the  American  colonies — 
a declaration  of  our  opposition  to  a state  of  independence  with  a 
corresponding  behabiour — a respectful  remonstrance  on  the  system  of 
taxation — an  assurance  of  our  willingness  to  contribute , in  some 
equitable  proposition,  towards  defraying  the  public  expense--and  the 
proposal  of  a reasonable  plan  for  a general  American  constitution.’^*' 
In  the  following  year  Samuel  Seabury  advocated  the  "settle- 
ment of  an  American  constitution,  "granting  provincial  self-govern- 

14 

ment  under  the  sovereign  imperial  parliament.  He  stated  his 
sentiments  upon  the  line  that  ought  to  be  drawn  between  the  suprem- 
acy of  Great  Britain  and  the  dependency  of  the  Colonies."  "I  imagine’ 
he  further  said,  "that  if  all  internal  taxation  be  vested  in  our  own 

legislatures,  and  the  right  of  regulating  trade  by  duties,  bounties, 

__________ 

12 

Hosmer,  0£.  cit . . 260;  Cf.  A.  C.  McLaughlin,  "The 
Background  of  American  Federalism",  Am  Pol.  Sc.  Review,  ZII,  234-235. 

13 

A.  C.  Flick,  Loyalism  in  Hew  York  during  the  American 
Revolution,  12n.  ^ 

14 

(S.  Seabury. ) View  qf  the  Controversy  between  Great 
Britain  and  Colonies : 34-35,  16-17. 


;:'  ■ ■ r 


h "*^  , ’.'.*;;t"  ;%**:*  ■ * <*  ' PI  ' ''  ■*  s' 

^i;  '.  V' (•  ‘ ->t' . 3 wi.T;  ^ %p  ••t^l Xt>'t|- 1 -d 


■ ■ • . '■ '- 


— 


4->I  >,“»«▼  tWc<^,.'04.  _l^'»n!!isfC'^/«,.>? 'of 

' ■ ! > ‘ ■ , . i.  -' 


\4?  k ' • / . ' ’*  'I  V IJ,  . ,■  ’ . - ' ''-';»/<Wl  ' 

9p’*’  *‘rr.*4o,fX'4».  i^i-'Toa  «"  4ja  ideitf  • .^Xiv'.* |fcO' 4 .^i^- '?tCL 


'Pl 


5k  > *f * t;'* . 'r  br.( . .'W'! oy  j-»o It 

^ " : • ’.y  \-’''  - .V'  :'  ’ ' ' • , ' - ' 4 '^^¥t 


u. 


f-  'C‘3^^^.  '{•.  $ 


tii^H f-^iSQC  -OMlfi. 

>'*■’.  • ' '■  ...  «*-  . ..dfi  ^ "MTrifc"'. 


• “,  ,;f  • ‘ 


' ' ' 


■»'*t* 


L ?■>:  ■‘"  JU 


V -'';rcf/yi» ' i5#3.Tf*  ftd:  of 


M 


tf>  %'jiV  4\i  ■ ■ '-' ' AX  ;t«ca , ;^X . •■' , ■& 

^ . •/  * ‘ A%3S1&  ‘ "’  ^ \ 


L i-  aod<jf;'*x  V j.^'dv'^'X.t-fi'c-S'  'd^'f -S'O’  - •.'-^BB'.l^^jB 


i-'*^'*‘‘H  r ,, ' *^' 


^ *i>/r  \jf.«t»  -'-L, 

■ ‘ >'  XV. 


y .Y^€^.^^'!!t»i!f?^?»'1^!>^;  i'i.trjiir  ri 

>;'KX.v  '^:'r,  v '^v.;,'-^ 


-53- 


&3.  ’03  l3ft  in  tbs  power  of  the  parliamsnt;  ani  also  the  right  of  enact- 
ing all  general  laws  for  the  gool  of  all  the  colonies,  that  we  shall 
have  all  the  security  for  our  rights,  liberties,  ani  property,  which 
human  policy  can  give  us:  The  iepenlence  of  the  Colonies  on  the  mother- 
country  will  be  fixei  on  a firm  foundation;  the  sovereign  authority  of 
Parliament,  over  all  the  iominions  of  the  empire  will  oe  establishei,  ani 
the  mother-country  ani  her  Colonies  will  be  knit  together,  in  ONE  3S4^5D, 
EISM.4ND  C0MP4CT  BODY."^^ 

In  developing  this  system  of  imperial  constitution,  Ssabury 
undoubtedly  took  great  pains  to  reconcile  the  jarring  interests  between 
Parliamentary  supremacy  ani  taxation.  If  the  British  parliament,  he  . 
asked,  had  a right  to  make  laws  to  bind  the  whole  empire,  A.m3rican 
assemblies  would  become  useless.  But,  a little  consideration,  he  thought, 

G 

would  remove  this  difficulty.  "Qur  Assemblies,"  he  said,  "from  their 
very  nature  of  things,  can  have  but  a legated,  subordinate,  ani  local 
authority  of  legislation.  fheir  authority  must  be  subordinate  to  the 
supreme  sovereign  authority  of  the  nation,  or  there  is  imperium  in  imperio 
Everything  that  relates  to  the  in- 
ternal policy  and  government  of  the  province  . . . comes  oefore  them, 
whether  they  be  matters  of  law  or  revenue.  But  all  laws  relating  oo 
the  empire  in  general,  or  all  the  colonies  conjunctively,  or  which 
regulates  the  trade  of  any  particular  colony,  in  order  to  make  it 
comparable  with  the  general  good  of  the  whole  empire,  must  be  left 


^^(S.Beabury),  /iew  of  the  Controversy  dftween  3££at  Britain 
and  Colonies, 47-43. 


M stM  ' ■' ' 

9 

^ ^ ^ V * ’ ' (y 


A..  ^si ; ;' 


'^■'4’  -y.-r  vmm  ' 


• ■■  'U  ■t',..  - 'WM  ' ■ ''-^W^^'' 


r.^,  '.'1  I : 


' •''■5i^l  ' 'Vi'., 


i .f^^t'-i-*,  * ;'''i,'  L ■ m'.t' 

^ f ■ <;*W.  h,.''  j ‘ .i  '. 


j ,'.p  ' '■  .- j 

I M 


i ‘ ''■  "1  '5?l  TjA'i'^'’  ’^'‘' 


.TW., ' .;i 


• i ' ■ ‘ 


:^.f' ' , Vi  , ■ r^t«  , 

■*  T ' 


"U'li<  4*1'  i ^W^WBKBly '''  •,' v'  'i  , '■  Cr^'  ^ '■'.mtw. '^'4  I 

. ™“'  ■ ■ 7#>% 

’ *'•■  ' ■ '•  -^uA.- u.* j .-•  • • 


' }J^  , |jL^  ,v' 

.1  j . ' «..  '"'  -f.  ’ 


■‘'*'  tf  .'  .;if| 
k'.n  '• 


wS-ii 


■ ijl*‘.i  lifj 


If"  ■-  I 


Iff  Jbt 


•:  ...  '-•■  *■■  ,,''i)h^W:'''..i  Vi-H' 


•oSSbI?!- 


♦^.^'  t 1 icif-ika*'.  ,i 


,(ifa 


. '4®^i  nrip^t  ■" ' 


* . , • ,:  • * ,*.•",  * .,*  ,» ,?4«-.H*  ’ •'"■'<  ■ 


* TP  i *♦. 


'!'^- 


^i. 

,Xt  *» 


•T,. ' ■ mL,'i 


I • 

i *,^.-Xl 


'.  .,-.i 


V.  V..H  .'  '*'<  J 3M)id.iLm 


ou 


-34- 


16 

to  the  parliament  . . . when  questionel  v^hat  we  would  get  by 

thie  arrangement,  if  Parliament  had  authority  to  make  imperial  laws,  to 
rsgulats  iaparial  traia,  to  raisa  imparial  fsjanaa,  ani  it  laft  ua  nothing 
wbioh  »3  aould  oall  our  own,  tlia  laarnai  Ssabury  answarai  at  onoa:  "Lot 
it  ba  oonaiiarai  that  no  aobaina  of  human  polioy  oan  ba  so  oontrivai  ani 
aariai  bat  that  something  must  ba  laft  to  the  integrity,  pradanoa,  and 

,17 

wisdom  of  those  who  govern,' 

The  loyalists,  however,  were  not  the  only  people  who  advocated 
the  constitutions  in  which  Parliamentary  supremacy  and  provincial  legis- 
lative independence  dominated  through  and  through.  Such  we  also  find  in 
those  of  gdmund  Burke  ani  tfia  author  of  "plan  of  Reunion." 

During  his  debate  on  the  Puller  motion  in  the  Bouse  of  Commons, 
April  19,1774,  the  noted  representative  from  Bristol  spoke  at  length  on 
American  taxation,  setting  forth  his  wiews  on  the  imperial  constitution. 

He  said,  "I  look,  I say,  on  the  imperial  rights  of  Creat  Britain,  and 


the 

privileges 

which  the  colonists 

ought  to  snjoy  under 

rights,  to  be 

just  the  most 

reconc 

liable  things  in  th: 

I he 

parliament 

of  Creat  Britain  s 

its  at  the  head  of 

tens 

ive  empire 

in  two  capac 

ities= 

one  as  the  local 

of 

this  island 

, providing  for 

all 

things  at  home,  imm^ 

by 

no  other 

instrument  than 

the 

executive  power.  T 

ex- 


Ihe 


1 6 

(3.  Seabury),  7isw  of  the  Controversy  between  Creat  Britain 
ani  Colonies,  34-35» 

17 

'ibid,  39 


•«i  a ■ •.  v-i 


:>.,'j  .’y  HJv’-  ..  _ ' • ».>-*'.  ' V ■■  ..;  ' .'  '-■.'  . -■  * '.i  ,;\  ^ ,' 


< ?f-,  f.  Slti  v'l  U ,.  ,^.«4  a 1. 


;vc 


/ 


..  V 

-■-  -■■  ■ ,,'X;V  ■ ' 


♦ .,f  V . . Jtfi  Mj’JTIII  -t' 

-'  ' ’'^'i  ■!  . ‘L\^dv. 


,■  \* 

T 


« • •—  • ‘J^L  .kM  ‘ * 


\*r  ■^■■-  ■■ » fP-..-f‘-;*rt-  p/.T 


v'  t'*-1»‘,"-,  . • 


•f  |!»|!-t;  • •.>!  ,.!-i:«nv,. .,.  ;,-»f.  Vj,if<  uo.  v v,J^»t  ^ ]l^ 

' ’■  ...X.. 

...  .-«,,  -••.■*•  *„■'  .- V >«  ■’■:;.•» 


. .‘'C  1 


I ■ 


;*  S iRti  a'l^.i-iB  iLf^.-j-r  rv:wci'ic,*/^xiV- r- 'ii 

t ' vf  ..  ’ ■;  -t ’■'  *'  .'  ■”''  *'  . *••'  ■ ’■  •■■ 

V-  u't?c  i/ :,A«jjli.^.-t‘.  ? QC  hr'  *,'  , , ji,.^.i4i:i .,  ^ 

I S ’••♦v'*-..  "‘iOtctf  _vsoiii-  . vW' 


i '^  ■ . ■;  /■>. ■ \ 


->-  X.*  '5f--'>  i 


'-' ( ' -=^  hJ»  I J t:;;i  i C, 


a-...,,  , ..  _ 


y.,:ff'»,lt»«*l,^y;.-9fllli<  . fi.,  f;^ 


■ '-' ' Mfl/ 

«’»5SaV 


^ -■  . i*  ’(®[..  ...  - I ■ -■■■  , ^’  •'.*;'2  I*  .«  • ^ i,‘,.^,  rihi 


y , 


I , 


''  *'  •'  ■ ^ ' ' j‘  ■ ' '‘t  ■■JBt  ■ vf-W'Mi’^'' 

^ V ' ' . • . Vi  • 

,:"(’3i.^'  '.  ..:■...  ydi’v' I **--;■••  at  ..Ai'-  .„'j. 


,.  ‘ ■’  ■■'"  vV  *k  t .'■  ’«'  *•« , *,  » r',%  ;■' ' - ‘/' 


■S' 


-35- 


other,  and  I think  her  nobler  capacity,  is  what  I call  her  imperial 
character;  in  which,  as  from  the  throne  of  heaven,  she  superintends 
all  the  several  inferior  legislatures,  and  guides  and  controls  them 
all,  without  annihilating  any.  As  all  these  provincial  legislatures 
are  only  co-ordinate  with  each  other,  they  ought  to  be  subordinate 
to  her;  else  they  can  neither  preserve  peace,  nor  hope  for  mutual 
justice,  nor  effectually  afford  mutual  assistance.  It  is  necessary 
to  coerce  the  negligent,  to  restrain  the  violent,  and  to  aid  the 
weak  and  deficient,  by  the  overruling  plenitude  of  her  power.  She 
is  never  to  intrude  into  the  place  of  the  others,  whilst  they  are 
equal  to  the  common  ends  of  their  institution.  But  in  order  to  en- 
able parliament  to  answer  all  these  ends  of  provident  and  benefit 

dent  superintendence,  her  powers  must  be  boundless Shall  there 

be  no  reserved  power  in  the  empire,  to  supply  a deficiency  which 
may  weaken,  divide,  and  dissipate  the  whole?  I consider  the  power 
of  taxing  in  parliament  as  an  instrument  of  empire,  and  not  as  a 
means  of  supply.  • . . Such,  sir,  is  my  idea  of  the  constitution  of 
the  British  empire,  as  distinguished  from  the  constitution  of 
Britain. 

Nevertheless  when  reconciliation  was  in  the  air,  Burke 
moved  a bill  for  renewing  peace  with  America  upon  the  ancient  con- 
stitutional ground,  giving  satisfaction  to  the  colonies  upon  the 
article  of  taxation,  and  a general  redress  of  their  grievances;  con- 
sulting in  every  point  the  freedom  of  America,  the  dignity  of  Par- 


18 


Burke,  Selections,  116-117 


"?1»»  ■ 


,a!y  ^ l^imi’ii  M'  ,-:-''---Aio  lox^sw  ain« 

'■  '■’  L‘v  ■;•  .jQi  : •'  , ’ 


i.i  T^',  yc.*  fcfi  ' 


I " 
r t 


- X ... 


-;c  .‘«s/ »\f.^r  4r  .r^i  .i'Vi o -'if W , rf / 


'a  •”  ' 


T'3’-'  . >>v.-4ivV  , ^.j«i^%«!l^4>T:'’^^  {0^5  .' 


»j^'V  G*r 

^ ■ ■'■  ' 


Cf9 


Ut^lh  l'T  ■ ‘©.4:  , V'  6.4^ .''..^,‘i 

#i**‘  • 1;  : •■»  -ai  'I  ^.i4  Jt-^%Tl  ffif;  ' V l^yt ■' 


Ir’’  *'''.■"  ' ■ , ■ ' '■,  5 .-/'•'  ':,<■' .. 

?>;’©■ '*4.1  ='1.2  'ii\  1:^  ^ ' 

>1  t,  * ••  * ’ ■ ■ , -V  ' ■ . ,j>r  -I™  . < •.;,  ■ ■».  rf*?*-  ’■'” 

<,l!r>“4'^..vtf: .'.  >4-  i *Xo  -f/HC  (i«  *t«»ifiycf<i,  ' 

" ' "■  ",'  . v'  1^. '-'f 

‘/.X.i^rf^-- eE-X:>C//^'i  o, 


itf  ■':  :i  i.-'i'T'.rjc  p‘l' 

v=  . -:‘  ■ •'  fl  '■  i’  ,*'.>-■  . vi ■«.  ♦.•■■'v'?:'J.  V'j 

nTi»'«a4  «4^'  •.Ckff<»4  J , • ’;f-.?G::t*'  jg 


«.  «f*  JOB 


OB  hjvi  . '•'tlcr'a'?' *^.0  . 

."'  . '"'■  ” ' ' ‘ i " ’ ^ 

k ? V'  s«  J "■  1 dxi'ti  ^ ' '^h  . ^ . 'j  f, , JsoicfC*  * ■* ' ■ • • ■ 1 


i',’ 


■'•u  . "■  . 


/ ojT'ivF'  pAw  BOi JetX.ttaoo^ri. 

« * ' • . ' - I ' '1  -«i^ 


P^"’»:f<^r,  ‘4rv  4,*J,-„  «r’‘'  "I'O 

,_v.i'  • f.  ' .'  ■ . • •''■‘V'f’^ii  r.' ".’v 'i 

.'.  . - .« Af  ■••■  Mr,  , 


?«-5:p^:d'  r , vt:; 

' >!i  -‘  • ' ■ 'V 

• j^^TTV-n  ‘^r  ,’*  “j  •“  ftw 


!1^.''*|[V4k..  ......  f ■'! ■ 1*' 'nfi *^ •’'  •'■ 


r-"^  _,  ,.  - X***  'itl^)|<^)^y<  'TTt*' . ■«'  ■ »f^j»'«  " J;  r_fc ," 


Mi,; 


-36- 

liament,  and  the  rights  of  Great  Britain.  In  the  said  hill,  he  lays 

down  "That  no  aid,  subsidy,  tax,  duty,  loan,  benevolence,  or  any 

other  burthen  or  imposition  whatsoever,  shall,  .be. .collected  upon 

the  inhabitants  of  any  colony.  . . in  America,  by  the  authority,  or 

in  virtue  of  any  act  of  Parliament,  or  in  any  other  manner,  or  by 

any  other  authority,  than  the  voluntary  grant  of  the  general  assemblj 

or  general  court  of  each  colony.  . . , and  which  shall  be  assented 

to  by  his  Majesty’s  Governor,  and  otherwise  confirmed  according  to 

the  usage  of  each  province  respectively,  any  law.  . . , or  any  other 

19 

whatsoever,  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. " 

Regard  must  be  had  to  the  heart  of  the  above  clause  which 

is  J:o  maintain  not  the  abstract  right  of  Parliamentary  right  to  levy 

tax  on  the  colonies,  but  "to  bind  them  to  England  with  the  ties  of 

freedom"  in  the  form  of  free  and  voluntary  grants  by  the  Congress  or 

provincial  assemblies.  The  question  with  me,  he  said,  is  not  whether] 

you  have  a right  to  render  your  people  miserable,  but  whether  it  is 

not  your  interests  to  make  them  happy.  The  problem,  in  fact,  was 

one  not  of  abstract  right  but  of  expediency;  and  nothing  would  be 

20 

lost  by  satisfying  American  desire. 

What  Burke  is  driving  at  is  clear  --  that  is  to  maintain 
the  status  quo  of  the  then  imperial  system,  but  to  reform  abuses  and 
to  prune  away  inexpedient  practices.  To  him  the  British  Parliament 

19 

David  Hartley,  Letters  on  the  American  War,  29. 

20 

H.  J.  Laski,  English  Political  Thought,  228-230.  passim. 


M 

w>**iRRi.w*-'  .gii4»&'4ifi;Ntanyj^^ 


l?F'’ 

y* ' ■•. 

W ■ ’ •• 

y. 


*;  ■■  W 


'I 


:'  f’i4'  . N 


hi-.  ti>v  -''iT^ 

i^'  .'.^  ■’  r*  '’  -■  '.  ■ " ' . ■""-•■^fJ' ■!.■  ,i.  ' \,  a^'  ■ .' 

f?  ^^;licrl)f  ‘ W ! . V.  . ^ ' .i^a  ; .ao  ’ya-'  '' 

■"•  , V’f.’  1‘5’4/f  A jW  ♦’  ■ .>.ft^l'o-o-  H 


i' 

V 


-fii;'-  ,,7-#«-v£*M4^_JPVi.t.o  fia*-  iti-  -jK»-  ^ -tt 2' 

' 9 - ' ''  ' . ''-sJ  ;'7».^  ■ ■“  . i •’  ■■'■■■*"■• 

(f.-'-'“^'-  .tr.*it-<iiJ9i>.  ■^'.'7  la  :/'t*i'5  tc'^A^tiuXaY  • 

*,  •.'  hjlaS 


,i . v^:  ./ ■':■  c , r . ■'  jm 

W sti 


^0.?  r '^B.i%r'yHjo  .tU'^  - •SCxtt.^iw^ 

r . . ■ • . . - ..  ■■  ^ ,v'  * ■'  •'/■  'M  t .'ygu  "-IfwR  '<■■•  ' 

— /i^«  '*■  ■ »•  • ■•  .1 « .'  (I  '.  ■ v"w  if  .'■  “'  'L^i<’,«»"j|j^7^*'-'' ' -ft. 

^-'■'p#'  . . , ,i  ^ftj>  ,\Xe7rl|-Qfta««t 

h%iJ»‘  'Otju.aXp  '^7;./^  - ^ v'j^' . '.ai*’  J&*rt  yak  ^^^t^^s.0^' | 

j '.  j.  1 1':/«.  :-iL.*’  ■ 'i 

«vf 


•'Hn*.  ic!  ’Cafri/taxav  't>d«iJ 

: R'  ‘ ’ .'  '•  • ^ ■ ^vj>!  '.:  ■ ' •• 

WBR-.'  L B ^^2  .-...^  >£t'*  '•*•"•,  D r 


■ •;:.  '■'■  o.  V, 


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, it*.?  ' ;*J  .i:’^-^iXo’ifjt  a/*^  aWi'i’ D>\ 

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t 


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'■  ■■>  ^-luT  ^'...-i'' 


- .'V  .,.  ....3^.,,,^.*' 

.:"^.fV 


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S^'”  ^ r ' ’.  3<  •• ,,'  . ! ■ /V  V - . 


..V  V 'm^iapK  (5»''7i 
,2*a^  jAaijitM;.  f -' 


'M^ 


^.pMjanPuta ' .i^/j 


nwnagg'ifwfry-" 

■’  • ,iW‘ 


-37- 

must  be  supreme  and  provincial  legislatures  must  be  subordinate  to 
the  Parliament,  but  free  to  manage  their  own  affairs  as  they  please. 
Moreover,  they  are  "to  grant  voluntary  aid  in  their  own  way,  being 
unvexed  by  the  Parliament.  True  it  is  that  in  Bur.he's  eyes  the  con- 
stitution was  altogether  admirable;  all  that  was  wanted  was  the  re- 
moval of  abuses,  which  hindered  it  from  being  well;  all  what  he 
laboured  for  was  to  bring  Parliament  into  a sound  state  by  reforms. 
Nevertheless,  he  was  a man  who  could  grasp  the  whole  situation  and 
offer  an  equitable  solution. 

In  the  same  conservative  school  was  the  author  of  "Plan  of 

21 

Reunion”,  who  w;?s  evidently  an  ardent  English  imperialist  of  the  extreme 
type..  He  readily  acknov/ledged  that  "there  would  be  a propriety  in 
admitting  representatives  from  America  into  Parliament,  for  infor- 
mation concerning  the  state  and  ability  of  the  c onstituents , and  for 

collecting  more  equally  the  sense  of  the  several  parts  of  the  em- 
22 

pire."  Hewas,^  however,  well  aware  that  real  and  absolute  represen- 
tation of  all  parts  and  people  of  the  British  Imperial  State ab- 
surd and  impracticable.  Therefore,  in  his  plan  no?/  proposed,  he 
would  not  repeat  "What  we  have  already  proposed  concerning  the  ad- 
mission of  American  representatives  in  Parliament;  because  it  is  in 

21 

This  book  is  dedicated  to  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee 
in  charge  of  subscriptions  for  wounded  Soldiers  in  the  American  War  so 
that  its  publication  might  bring  some  profits  for  them. 

22 

Plan  of  Re -uni on  between  Great  Britain  and  Her  Colonies , 

86. 


f 


'-ixr 


N- 


’’  > ■ * 

.■''si*'  - ' 


• :^A'',  .‘Tij^.i’  tefv  e.eX'5^  r.. 

p::  ■'■  ■'  ^ ^ 

mT*  t‘-*:/.‘,i..nJ:.'  j '' 

, . \ ^ ' '■  '■  r . ' • ■ ’ "*  ■•^.  ^ 

*;-^*5'  •*(!(■'  -b  '■  i^,f'-llf%  ;<^^tdeit‘Jdpj»‘  ctol'TO 

'^'£m  '■'  }|  ^ ■-'  '-  * ^'  ^ St 

>•  ' '-^  • ^ :-.  .*  " p 


’'  ' ■/  ■■•■:•  .■■;  v^/'i  ■'■'■  • ■•• '■■' T ■'  ' V - 

II,/.  • ' . ' 

i-<7  r J'S.*’- , ’ ■ “* 

‘I  ■ , • V 'i  ' ' . '’  '*  ' . ■ 

\'.fl,jr'  « ‘•><f  IV'Uitv"  ' 'Cl^ 

.-*»/  ' ' '.  -7^  ■WU*  -r  'J?^ 

1 r,*!  , :fis.a3q7>  '.OiJtiJ!:  > id  rs^\  tqt.  , »^v:|3-« 

I ...  IKj.  .C*,‘  f ' -r^'i’''  /.'■'''  ‘ ',.  *' ’ii*.  '"  - '\'Y  ‘.>ilW. 

!>'.  ' ' '.  *'  .'■  ' '■■'■  ‘ 

j .~a-^.6i3T:^aV.  03^11  Xpr •/,»  Jbftd  faXi  *; 

^'-■'i-r''  '*■  «'■•  • ■*.  “-'1*  '- ' X'  iTfip 

^^^4  Cii^lq  C-i4,,55i 

^^^r'^Cfc/yk^  i'4 

,‘^^‘  ' ' . ‘ 'j  1 . .<  ' i'  '•'  ' ■'  • * , *7  1 1 “■ 


yi* 


*■(' 


^ . 

fe/‘  J'i  ».' f^o-i  : *^\-t>eiii  A.I  «<*v4  i'ist-6pt£ijc^stt 


f^-v 


; 


L- 


i ,c"^f*s^ii  a;80,i  lew  ••  «iii  t Hi 


'.  / 'V. 


■'I  tlM 


. :-r 


'^'■’-ijip'Ta 


-38- 

no  respect  necessary  for  the  purposes  of  freedom  or  security.” 

Thus  in  this  excellent  work,  he  vindicated  the  sovereign 
authority  of  the  British  Parliament  over  the  whole  empire;  showed 
that  the  colonieSjuigi^-t only  he  considered  as  a part  of  that  em- 
pire; hut  as  helping  to  constitute  that  republic  or  national  in- 
terest, which  it’^^^  the  duty  of  Parliament  to  regulate  and  manage; 
again  demonstrated  that  taxation  cannot  he  separated  in  idea  from 
sovereignty,  reduced  to  nothing  the  colonial  dread  of  Parliamentary 
sovereignty,  hy  introducing  into  it,  as  an  essential  part,  a tem- 
porary representation  chosen  from  the  mass  of  the  people,  and  re- 
O 

turning  among  them,  to  submit  to  the  la¥/s  which  they  themselves 

enacted  ; shows  existing  system  of  colonial  government  to  he  I 

23 

essentially  deficient;  and  pointed  out  how  it  might  he  improved. 

It  on  the  first  and  last  points  that  the  author  dwelt 
at  frreat  length.  "In  every  independent  state  or  empire,”  he  main- 
tained "independent  of  several  separate  distant  provinces,  each 
claiming,  originally,  equal  privileges,  of  necessity  there  must  he 
supposed  a fixed  seat  of  government,  and  a sovereign  superintending 
legislative  authority.  Even  where  the  union  supposes  the  several 
provinces  to  continue  on  any  equal  footing  in  order  to  introduce  un- 
iformity and  vigour  into  government,  without  which  the  safety  and 
welfare  of  the  whole  must  continually  he  brought  into  danger,  the 
most  powerful  or  the  most  active,  or  the  most  convenient  province 

23 

Plan  of  Re-union  between  Great  Britain  and  Her 

Colonies,  168-170. 


- ’’1  , 

K -m  ¥: 


^ii'Ti;'jr  f' 

-/r  IPA'y/;  ij’ 

':  '-^v  >' 


;•(,  -'  ; '.  ,,.,  ''“"■‘^■.^k  "'S' 

/t- ‘ V^T  ■^JT-'''''  .?  , b i 1 '; Jji 

il  •'i':'^  ..■  ' (lMVJv 

^ - '■ ':'V  *.'■%  ■ fi'  ''i'  '' 

>:^  '’‘/r-'-fta  'i>*'-^^f^t^mo-x>yad. 

’ ■ '.  - ' a‘.  ' - ' '■^'•'  ■ ' / ' ’'' ''''  'j  ■'  ’ ' 


V 


v’'.:''i 


‘15^ 


-i-.ts  ' «^.  ,.M  o'J.4‘1 

• i:*]  1^*1  ;.'^ 

...  , ; - ,-. 

r:.T ■ " ’ - * * . S l,  ■ 


%-'it 


% ' 7'  dr<  i ' ' * x^f,  '-'  f.'  s f »;£  ,T^  a i 1'"  ■•  i.v^  ' ‘ I ffiWr 

.ja  V ' *’■  * ' ^ * ' sjg  ".''■•^*  ^ * . ■■  ••' - V^  ■'il^'!?  «■' 

, .• . * V-  - 4.  - ; y'  4rr^t  c^jr'^^atcif 

1-timH  ’ ’tfi-;\n^^^'i:  '»i4«.t,,Ktpr‘|<Kr-  ffi/i  'te-  Mi  '"•v^'  '^S 

^ ' - ■'”  '-  •■  ' "'  ^ ' ' ’ ''4'--%’  ^4:  r^'WM 

»cf  ^ > w *$.  ''■*?.'  ^KftpfeX 

. 


•'■  • ■ ■ «;'-At-r  14^S(fcfcJ^u  t’Sitf  ■•*  A.44*«‘jR, 

r.-,  * ’ . '"■s  X , ' „■ 


f .'^ 


'"'ti 


^.;  , k-:  t ^iti  v^^''  »■ . » t> if' 


}m 


1 


i^x’*r' 


■jg.’tV'L  -.yiig  jfi  "iji  j|' 


',tyjiftft'*v:iiiy'ji>T'ffl  t wfi!iy<ii» 


-39- 

will  be  obliged  to  take  the  lead,  and  in  many  oases  must  assume  sov- 
ereign authority,  to  which,  expediency,  or  fear,  produce  a ready  sub- 

PA 

mission  from  the  other  co-estates.  ...”  If  the  colonists  must 
be  their  own  legislators,  he  continued  to  argue,  it  was  necessary 
that  there  should  be  a superintending  head  to  keep  each  within  its 
due  bounds  and  to  guide  the  advantage  of  the  whole:  no  colonial 
regulation,  therefore,  ought  to  be  final,  and  in  matters  of  trade 
particularly,  should  have  no  effect,  till  it  hed  undergone  a crit- 
ical examination  in  Parliament,  and  h£d  been  found  compatible  with 
O 

the  general  J.nterests  of  the  empire.  Agreeable  to  this  plan  of  the 
superintending  care  of  Parliament,  let  every  act  of  provincial  legiS' 
lation  go  through  the  present  colonial  forms.  Let  all  the  arguments 
for  and  against  any  new  regulation,  or  abolition  of  the  old,  be  fair- 
ly stated  in  writing  for  the  information  of  Parliament  by  the  con- 
sent of  the  managers  on  both  sides  of  the  question  in  the  colonial 
legislature.  If  it  be  a matter  of  immediate  necessity,  let  the  ad- 
mission of  the  majority  take  place  for  a certain  time  in  the  colony, 
till  it  can  be  brought  before  Parliament.  Let  the  sanction  of  Par- 
liament be  necessary  for  every  regulation  respecting  trade  and 

every  perpetual  provincial  law.  "Parliament  then  must  put  the  last 

25 

hand  to  the  police  of  the  Colonies.” 

Evidently  our  writer  insisted  upon  the  urgent  necessity  of 
due  colonial  submission  to,  and  actual  supremacy  of,  the  British 

24 

Plan  of  Re -uni on  between  Great  Britain  and  Her 
Colonies , 9-10. 

25 

Ibid,  153-157  passim. 


P»  ■ , '-. 

liitb!*- " ‘;.J  * •'  » .’e^ 


ol*.  'mi-.  , ■’. t1^4l44^il' jjwr 

»^<i' ‘ . ’ w • •'.i'’'5v.«r. « *'  ^ * ' ’ ii>*,. ' 


:«'fe 


i«,  i 


V V 


'■■;'•■  - ‘ 'fj  J'  ■:.  , ,-;  IV '>;T.^Jttk‘'‘^  ...  -L. 


v.'v  I >■'•  \,.t,»v.3i  -,'hl  , If frtir^f f 

•>  ' z-.;".^  ■ ri-  * .-'^'^rJ ' _ 

i54, . -i'io  r«u  .urr-0^.  i^;4iWX.v^9  li| 

L 'Ja-'-  ' ' ■ ■ ‘ ' <■  '*■'  „•  .■  '■^**,‘  ',  . ./  j.i  ^’..*,  * 


:4f: 


•.  v<,  \0‘  /1^4p^.lOl:fa-.  ,pj-f 


‘JC  <VJ^ 

''(>5,sfvi'/iiii‘  ai'  15*  !i 


'J.' 


ilt‘  1^ ' nfsfpm: 


# . ytf‘.  * ‘ . >i-  I.  '-5  » ^ ‘ • * ri  j ' ’ . j 

Ji i|i  , ■;rji^c*<?j.ti._  64'vrH.b;i  ‘.rf  16'. ’t&7':fdyi  4 1. ^ 

A-(fi.  ji(3*'  >^'ir  4i^  *'i'fK#  «-.  *£dl  .<&?©•? £»  ’ •«^fc^ij'-';R 


;A'-  i-f-9  ^ 


v-n‘: 


Bw  i‘  !-■''<  ■»'  . ’cs.*’  i • " 

■IJv.  ^ ■ .<,  w • Wl  . . .'V  W . . 

■ •■  i 1^.. • %<«•.'•*  -a  '''tt. 


'C'.  ’ 

■~-~  T4ffWP*CflBP^CF  J 


^ ^a_j3 

,v  ,^iJ..-..  '_  ,.A;fe>*f>^'i<.rJrf-i\  j.-A  > JA,  .v^  ' . kt  a . - ' »r_ 


If-  . 


-40^ 

parliament.  Tb®reupon_,  he  inquired  how  the  two  apparently  conflicting 

organs  of  imperial  political  mechanism  reconcile  each  other  through  the 

elucidation  of  the  spheres  of  the  both  organs.  The  Parliament,  he 

thought,  ought  to  enjoy  of  right  a general  control  over  the  foreign 

affairs,  colonial  trade  foreign  and  inter-provincial.  These  evolved 

into  the  problems  of  armaments  land  and  sea,  war  and  peace,  customs  and 

trade  regulations.  Again,  it  was  proposed  that  Great  Britain  should 

take  upon  herself  the  whole  civil  and  ecclesiastical  establishments  of 

26 

the  several  colonies,  as  v/ell  as  the  payments  of  all  salaries. 

The  author  of  "Plan  of  Reunion,"  it  is  noted,  stressed  very 
much  the  supremacy  of  Parliament  as  the  "connecting  head"  of  this 
great  imperial  State,  coupled  it  with  extensive  powers  over  colonial 
affairs,  and  left  to  the  provincial  legislatures  merely  local  autonomy 
of  a very  limited  degree.. 

This  idea,  compared  with  Burke’s,  was  more  sensible  of  Parlia- 
mentary supremacy,  and  it  was  less  attentive  to  the  provincial  self- 
government.  Although  both  Burke  and  our  present  writer  emphasized  the 
heed  and  importance  of  Parliamentary  guidance,  the  former  seemed  to  lean 
to  a more  liberal  view  on  the  ground  of  expediency.  Burke  deserved 
the  credit  of  being  able  to  put  aside  entirely  an  empty  plea  of  abstract 
right  which  satisfied  legal  pedants.  Burke's  plea  failed  in 
the  face  of  the  obstinate  George  III,  yet  it  was  something  that 
ninety  years  after  his  speech  the  British  Rorth  America  Act 

^^plan  of  Reunion  between  Great  Britain  and  Her  Colonies, 


158-161,  165. 


k .1  *•*■"*'  • 


fl»:f  tc'c.. 


|^\  •^;ii>f:Wi  "sAi  i«&v(i  Uijuop 


"•»5i'tiF^'oU*’,j;*o  ‘i£  i,T-’'Tfr'tgi*  on  * >‘#f^  .*t‘ ^ ' 

■ ■ ‘ -V  ^ ’ ■ 

lp^'4i<ji^tij^»i  :>oij  «nn)i«4> 

=»ni4n*<b  e^-T*'la«yiS4s4^  n/f/  io^>ioipJS£/^n^e 


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-41- 


should  have  given  dreain  fsli'^enfee^ance. 

In  the  meantime  the  Boston  Port  hill,  the  Quebec  act,  end 
the  other  repressive'  acts  were  heaping  fuel  on  the  kindled  fires  of 
revolution.  In  the  midst  of  great  consternation  the  first  Gontin- 
ental  Congress  met  at  Philadelphia,  September  5,  1774.  As  a body 
the  Congress  did  not  assemble  with  any  predetermined  revolutionary 
purpose.  Many  loyalists  and  indeed  moderate  men  of  both  parties  be- 
lieved that  it  would  be  a means  of  arranging  a reconciliation  with 
Britain,  and  though  the  most  decided  loyalists  would  have  nothing  to 
do  with  it,  even  they  hoped  for  a good  result;  one  third  of  the 

delegates,  John  Adams  said,  were  Whigs,  one  third  Tories,  end  the 

?7 

rest  mongrel.  There,  on  September  28,  1774,  Joseph  Gallov/ay  of 
the  Pennsylvania  delegation,  submitted  his  ’^Plan  of  a proposed  Union 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,"  together  with  an  accom- 
panying resolution. 

This  plan  of  union  consists  of  eleven  articles  setting 
forth  a scheme  of  colonial  federation  v/ith  a President-General  to 
be  appointed  by  the  Grown,  and  "a  Grand  Council,”  to  be  composed  of 
representatives  chosen  in  the  several  assemblies,  acting  ”in  con- 
nection with,  and  subordinate  to,  the  British  Parliament.”  This 
proposal  Galloway  supported  with  an  able  speech,  expounding,  as  it 
did,  his  constitutional  theory  of  the  British  State.  Since,  he  said, 
the  colonies  are  undoubtedly  members  of  the  British  State,  they 
must  be  united  more  closely  to  the  mother  country,  for  the  mutual 

27 

Hunt,  0£.  ci t . , X,  132. 


mr.n  ■■'■^■'  ' ■"  ■"  iJ-  :Vfr  .,  - 

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-42- 


interest  of  "both  America  and  Britain.  At  the  same  time,  he  entirely 

28 

disapproved  "the  black  scheme  of  independence. ” Nevertheless, 

being  well  aware  of  a grave  defect  in  the  imperial  constitution  with 

respect  to  the  colonies,  Galloway  labored  anxiously  to  draw  up  such 

a constitution  as  could  secure  both  imperial  unity  and  colonial 

autonomy.  At  first,  he  imagined,  American  representation  might  be 

a tentative  solution,  and  came  to  the  Congress  with  the  idea  of  pro- 

29 

posing  representation  in  Parliament.  However,  he  discovered  that 

the  general  feeling  was  that  such  representation  was  impracticable, 

and  this  fact  seems  to  have  led  the  sagacious  Pennsylvanian  to 

30 

change  his  proposal.  Gallov/ay  it  is  thought  concerted  his  plan 

> > 

31 


) > 
with  the  loyal  governors  of  New  Jersey  and  New  York. 


In  support  of  his  frame  of  government,  he  argued:  "There 

is  a necessity  that  an  American  legislature  be  set  up;  or  else  that 

32 

we  should  give  the  power  to  Parliament  or  Zing.  Thereby,  he  pro- 
posed the  establishment  of  a Grand  Council,  a unicameral  federal 
legislature,  charged  with  legislation,  taxation,  and  control,  of 


28 

J.  Galloway,  Candid  Examination,  34,  54,  60;  Ibid,  Plain 
Truth,  70;  Ibid,  Reply  to  an  Address  to  the  Author  of  a Pamphlet..., 
83-8fe. 

29 

Galloway  to  Wm.  Franklin,  Sept.  3,  and  Sept.  5,  1774,  N. 
J.  Arch.  X,  475-477;  W.  Franklin  to  Dartmouth,  Sept.  6,  1774,  Ibid, 

Dec.  6, 

X,  473-475,  503-507,  Frotbingham,  Rise  of  the  Republic,  367-368; 

G.  Bancroft,  ££.  cit . , VII,  140;.  C. Becker, pglitical  parties  etc.,  149  n. 

30 

Carl  Becker,  The  History  of  Political  Parties  in  the 
Province  of  New  York,  1760-1776,  149;  N.  J.  Arch.,  X,  474. 

31 

Ibid,  149;  J.  Galloway,  Candid  Examinations,  50-53; 

N.  J.  Arch.,  X,  474. 

32 

C.  H.  Lincoln,  Revolutionary  Movement  in  Pennsylvania, 

195-196  n. 


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-43- 


general  Amerioan  affairs,  xhe  acts  of  this  federal  legislature  were  to 
be  subject  to  the  assent  of  the  President-Genneral  and  revision  of  the 
British  Parliament.  On  the  other  hand, the  acts  of  fhe  Parliament  re- 
lating to  America  could  not  be  valid  without  the  approbation  of  the 
Grand  Council,  which  would  thus  assure  a constitutional  instrument  for 
the  colonists  to  check  any  undesirable  measures  of  the  Parliament. 

This  device  of  mutual  check  was  indeed  ingenious  as  well  as  original. 

Besides  being  a royal  representative,  the  President-General 
was  designed  to  be  the  chief  executive  of  American  government  clothed 
with  authority  "to  cause  them  (acts  of  Parliament  and  the  Grand  Council 
to  be  carried  into  execution."  He  was  ever  to  execise,  it  was  pro- 
vided in  Article  VIII,  "all  the  legislative  rights,  powers,  and  autho- 
rities, necessary  for  regulating  and  administering  all  the  general 
police  and  affairs  of  the  Colonies,  in  which  Great  Britain  and  the 
Colonies,  or  any  of  them,  the  Colonies  in  general,  or  more  than  one 
Colony,  are  in  any  manner  concerned,  as  well  civil  and  criminal  as 
commercials" 

It  is  obvious  that  such  powers  as  these  are  no  less  extensive 
than  those  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  would  imply  a 
wide  control  of  colonial  affairs  on  the  part  of  the  King,  Therefore, 
the  Galloway  system  clearly  assigned  a large  degree  of  colonial 
government  to  the  Crown,  and  left  the  control  of  the  Parliament 
almost  wholly  nominal.  Indeed,  the  plan  itself  represented  the 
trend  of  American  opinion  that  the  colonists  owed  their  allegiance 
to  the  King  alone,  and  had  no  relation  with  that  august  parliament. 
Furthermore,  this  scheme  anticipated  in  essece  not  only  the  new  colo- 
nial system  of  Great  Britain  in  the  centuries  that  followed,  but 


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-44- 

also  the  American  federal  union  set  up  on  the  ruins  of  "the  old  em- 
pire in  the  west."  Had  Galloway* s project  "been  carried  to  a success- 
ful issue,  wrote  a noted  writer,  we  might  have  now  presented  to  the 
world  the  noble  spectacle  of  an  empire  greater  than  half  a continent 
and  seventy-five  millions  of  people.  Though  Galloway's  plan 
failed  of  adoption  in  the  Congress,  history  should  still  do  justice 
to  the  high  order  of  his  constructive  statesmanship. 

By  way  of  summary,  it  may  be  said,  that  the  constitutional 
reconstruction  of  the  British  empire  had  been  on  the  anvil  for  nearly  a 
dozen  years  when  the  system  of  colonial  autonomy  and  Parliamentary 
supremacy  began  to  have  serious  consideration  in  many  minds.  The 
new  system  started  with  somewhat  strange  schemes  of  imperial  uniform 
taxation.  Substantially  the  recognition  of  the  status  quo  of  the 
empire  was  then  urged  by  the  loyalists,  Burke,  and  the  author  of 
"Plan  of  Reunion."  Lastly,  Galloway  planned  a federated  colonial 
autonomy  under  quasi -supremacy  of  the  British  Parliament.  Comparing 
each  scheme  within  the  system,  we  find  the  first,  on  the  whole  the 
most  unsatisfactory  ‘to  America,  because  it  would  increase  the  griev- 
ances rather  than  to  diminish  them.  The  second  one,  it  may  be  ob- 
served, is  not  liberal  in  that  it  only  affixes  a seal  of  constitu- 
tional recognition  to  the  imperial  system  hitherto  in  operation  with 
which  ^ the  colonists  wers  jg^reaAiy  iissatisf ied^  On  the  other  hand, 

the  Galloway  project  is  liberal  enough  to  allow  America  a large 

33 

Quarterly  Review,  CLXXXVIII,  441. 


■ 


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-45- 


degree  of  home  rule.  It  provides  a large  measure  of  royal  admin- 
istrative control  in  American  government,  but  does  not  conflict  with 
the  expressed  views  of  the  colonists  themselves.  As  has  been  ob- 
served, this  system  was  intended  to  take  place  of  the  "impracticable'’ 
schemes  of  colonial  representation^  while  it  succeded  in  so  doing  it 
came  to  naught  so  far  as  actual  realization  was  concerned.  Indeed 
the  Galloway  project  had  its  place  in  practical  politics,  but  its 
fate  was  nevertheless  very  miserable  and  this  we  all  know. 


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Chapter  III. 


Real  and  Personal  Unions 

As  has  been  noted,  Galloway’s  device  of  mutual  assent  to  legis- 
lation put  the  British  parliament  and  the  Grand  Council  in  practical  ef- 
fect on  the  same  and  equal  footing,  though  the  latter  was  expressly  dec- 
lared to  be  "an  inferior  and  distinct  branch  of  the  British  Legislature," 
united  and  incorporated  with  it  "for  general  American  affairs."!  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Galloway  constitution  conferred  extensive  powers  on  the 
royal  representative,  and  this  amounted  to  an  effective  control  by  the 
Crown  of  the  federated  government  of  America.  Therefore,  the  Galloway 
system  recognized  the  supremacy  of  the  British  Parliament  only  as  a 
legal  theory,  and  its  importance  lay  in  the  royal  administrative  grip 
that  it  would  tighten  over  American  government.  Yet,  strictly  speaking, 
this  was  not  a personal  union,  for  there  was  besides  the  Grown  another 

organ  of  government  the  Parliament.  Rightly  considered,  this  must 

be  a real  union  of  Amei’ioa  and  Britain,  through  the  emplyment  not  only 
of  the  common  King,  but  of  the  common  Parliament.  And  it  is  this  des- 
cription of  constitutional  system  that  we  are  next  to  study. 

Schemes  for  real  union  were  projected  by  Governor  Pownall, 
and  many  others  during  the  several  years  preceding  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  One  important  characteristic  of  the  new  system  was  the  exist- 
ence of  some  kind  of  parliamentary  control  over  the  American  body  politic, 
which  was  at  the  same  time  the  basic  point  differentiating  the  real  from 
the  personal  union.  Needless  to  say,  the  new  schemes  were  distinguished 

I 

Galloway,  Candid  Examination,  68. 


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-47- 


froHi  those  discussed  in  the  preceding  chapter  by  the  provisions  of  the 
a 

former  for  large  degree  of  American  legislative  independence, if  not  com- 

A 

plete,  of  the  British  Parliament,  and  for  a great  measure  of  royal  ad- 
ministrative control. 

In  regard  to  Pownall's  support  to  the  projects  of  American  rep- 
resentation, enough  has  been  said.  By  the  year  1768  the  governor  seemed 

to  have  been  quite  convinced  of  the  expediency  of  colonial  representation 

2 

through  his  discovery  of  the  Chester  precedent  of  1450.  The  sequence  of 
events, however,  was  working  constantly  to  modify  his  ideal  of  colonial 
and  imperial  reorganization.  Thus, in  the  17?4  edition  of  his  "Administ- 
ration of  the  British  Colonies,"  he  frankly  acknowlegsd  that  the  time 
had  passed  for  the  projects  of  representation.  And  he  endeavored  to  es- 
tablish some  sort  of  compromised  government  between  the  two  extremes  of 
imperial  and  provincial  government,  favoring,  of  course,  'free  colonial 
autonomy  in  internal  matters.  Then,  he  "proposed  that  after  the  result  . 
of  the  present  Congress,  the  King  should  appoint  a Congress  of  Deputies 
from  all  the  Colonies  to  be  regularly  chosen  by  the  Assemblies,  and  a 
Moderator,  or  person  to  preside,  should  be  appointed  by  the  King  .... 

He  supposed  a general  Government  might  be  formed,  like  that  of  Ireland; 

3 

and  many  other  advantages  might  arise." 

It  is  hard  to  draw  any  concrete  system  of  government  out  of 
those  few  sentences  which  Pownall  uttered  on  September  29^1774,  just  at 

II 

the  time  when  Galloway  was  about  through  his  speech  on  the  "Plan  of  Union. 
2 

C. A. i. Pownall,  op.  cit.,  204. 

3 

P.0. Hutchinson, op.  cit.,  1,251 


N“--  -‘'V.  •■  ..  ■ ' ^ 

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/ 


a “i-- 


-48- 


It  is,  however,  clear  that  the  governor  believed  it  to  be  the  theory 
of  imperial  constitution  that  the  American  colonies  should  perform  their 
duty  of  "aid  and  service"  to  the  supreme  government  in  return  for  the 
protection  they  received  from  amd  within  the  empire.  They  should,  he 
thought,  be  free  to  act  and  trade  within  the  empire  and  they  had,  he 
also  thought,  a right  to  be  governed  in  domestic  affairs  by  their  own 
internal  taxes  which  went  to  meet  the  local  expenses.  However,  he 
saw  "an  essential  difference  between  internal  and  external  taxes,"  the 
latter  being  levied  in  the  form  of  custom  duties  as  the  colonial  con- 
tribution for  imperial  defense  and  other  purposes.  Referring  to  this 
point,  in  his  speech  of  February  8,  1769>  House  of  Commons, 

Pownall  said  in  substance  that  the  colonists  never  claimed  exemption 
from  both  of  such  taxes,  up  to  1766,  but  they  refused  to  pay  either 
as  their  retaliation  on  England  f or  Townshend 's  act*.  Compromise  and 
agreement,  he  hoped,  would  be  reached  by  England  abandoning  her  claim 
to  internal  taxation,  and  by  America  withdrawing  her  objection  to  the 

external  taxation.  That  would,  he  sincerely  believed,  bring  both 

4 

parties  back  to  the  position  before  1763. 

Just  at  this  time  he  received  "Instructions  to  the  Pennsyl- 
vania delegates  in  the  Congress"  and  "an  Essay  on  the  Constitutional 
Power  of  Great  Britain  over  the  Colonies  in  America."  Cbserving  the 
American  contentions  set  forth  in  them,  he  did  not  object  to  the  colo- 
nial claim  to  "an  exclusive  right  of  internal  legislation."  But,  he 


C.A.W.  Pownall,  op.  cit.,  268-269 


, tiir 

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A'..'/#' 


-49- 

did  not  listen  a moment  to  their  demand  that  England  should  renounce 
all  powers  of  taxation  both  internal  and  external.  This,  he  added, 
could  not  be  done  without  dissolving  the  very  empire  itself. 

Such  in  brief  was  Pownall's  programme  of  imperial  re- 
construction in  the  year  1774.  At  the  time  when  he  expressed  the  above 
idea  , Lord  Dartmouth  intimated  to  Mr.  Thomas  Hutchinson  that  Mr.  Pown-r 
all  had  a mind  to  go  to  America  and  be  the  King's  representative  and 
preside  over  all  the  colonies.  "I  answered  him,"  wrote  Hutchinson, 
"that  I know  no  better  person."  The  pownall  scheme  , it  is  well  known, 
had  very  little  influence  either  in  Parliament  or  in  the  ministry  of 
the  time. 

Some  months  before  Pownall's  statement  was  made,  there  ap-r 

peared  in  London  a pamphlet  entitled  "America  vindicated"  written  by 
"a  Friend  of  both  Countries."  Another  one  styled  "Some  Candid  Sug- 
gestions" was  published  in  1775 • Again,  a pamphlet  called  "Obser- 
vations : Reconciliation  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  Colonies;  etc.  " 
was  put  out  by  "a  Friend  of  American  Liberty"  in  1776.  Each  of  these 
proposed  nearly  the  same  sort  of  constitution  for  the  empire,  which 
are  featured  with  such  as  (1)  non-Parliamentary  taxation,  (2)  Par-- 
liamentary  trade  regulation,  (3)  imperial  gurantee  of  American  de- 
fence, and  (4)  American  home  rule  with  a congress.  As  was  the  case 
with  Bancroft's  plan,  the  schemes  of  1774  and  1776  provided  the  ex- 

5 

Pownall,  Administration,  II,  89-111  passim;  C.A.W. 

Pownall,  op.,  cit.,  I,  269- 


**  f 


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-50- 


press  renunciation  by  the  Parliament  of  her  taxing  powers  over  Ameri- 

6 

ca.  According  to  the  project  of  Parliamentary  trade  regulation 

was  to  be  retained  just  as  in  those  of  Bancroft  and  Pownall«.  But  Par- 
liament could  not  under  pretence  of  regulation  lay  havey  duties  on  the 
articles  of  commerce.  And  only  eight  per  cent,  duties  were  to  be 
levied  on  all  the  goods  imported  from  foreign  countries. 

In  each  of  the  three  projects  there  was  found  an  express 
provision  coneerning  the  imperial  guarantee  of  American  defence.  In 
the  plan  of  17?4  "that  freedom  should  be  guaranteed  against  all  for- 
eign invaders.”  In  that  of  lV75  ^ clause  was  inserted  that  "if  any 
of  the  colonies  judge  necessary  to  levy  forces  for  sea  or  land,  for 

their  own  security,  against  any  enemies,  native  or  foreign,  to  be 

7 

paid  from  common  stock,  as  safety  of  each  is  benefit  of  all." 

Again,  in  the  scheme  of  1776,  it  was  provided  : F'or  our  security 
against  the  introduction  of  British  troops  to  enclose  us  in  times  of 
tranquility,  when  we  had  forgot  the  use  of  arms,  a perpetual  stand- 
ing militia  bill  should  form  part  of  the  compact  by  which  means  the 
people  of  the  colonies  would  keep  up  their  martial  spirit,  and  al- 
ways be  prepared  against  the  attack  of  arbitrary  Power,  As  it 
would  be  useful,  reads  the  same  provision,  in  case  of  sudden  inva- 
sion, to  have  a small  number  of  troops  at  all  times  ready  to  repel 
such  invasion,  the  King  should  have  a right  to  send  a certain 

ivionthly  Review,  April,  1774,  329;  A Friend  of  Ameri- 
can Liberty,  Observations:  etc.,  35. 

n 

Some  Candid  Suggestions  , 15. 


,c 


r' V KtiB^  .0»H. 

, 


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ic.  ' 

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w- 


HC>i . .. 


I.;® 


rV  , 


-51- 

limited  number,  for  instance,  10  or  12,000  upon  the  Continent,  whose 

immediate  exertions  might  be  sufficient  to  prevent  an  enemy,  until. 

the  militia  could  be  assembled  and  brought  up.»  More  than  this 

stipulated  number,  it  added,  the  Crown  should  not  send  without  the 

consent  of  the  general  convention  or  Congress.. 

In  respect  to  general  American  government,  all  the 

three  plans  agreed  in  the  most  essential  point,  that  is.,  America  should 

recognize  the  British  King  as  sovereign.  The  plans  of  1VV5  and  1776 

even  7/ent  as  far  as  to  confer  upon  him  the  powers  to  appoint  provin- 

S 

cial  governors,  councilors,  and  judges.  The  scheme  of  1774  express- 
ly provided  a Lord  Lieutenant  for  America.  The  same  plan  as  well  as 

that  of  1776  stipulated  the  establishment  of  a general  congress  of 

9 

deputies  from  the  several  provincial  assemblies  or  the  people.  In 
the  latter  plan,  it  was  provided  that  the  function  of  the  general 
congress  was  to  regulate  the  posts,  general  currency,  and  proportions,^ 
of  the  provincial  forces,  besides  all  other  common  affairs,  provided 
they  were  not  contrary  to  the  right  therein  allowed  to  the  British  Par- 
liament. One  special  business  of  this  congress,  it  was  further  said, 
was  to  keep  "a  vigilant  and  careful  watch  over  the  designs  and  trans- 
actions of  the  British  Ministry  and  parliament"  so  as  to  prevent 

10 

tyranny  in  its  embryo.  Again,  in  point  of  provincial  autonomy,  the 
0 

Some  Candid  Suggestions,  15;  A Friend  of  American  Li- 
berty, op.  cit..,  55;  Channing,  History  of  the  United  States,  .IIl,165n. 

9 

Monthly  Review,  April,  1774,  525;  A Friend  of  American 
-Liberty,  op.  cit..,  56. 

”io 

A Friend  of  American  Liberty,  op.  cit.:,  56-57» 


V •’•’ 


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»•'*■'  I ” ■ ^ '4  • ' ' , ■ T*  I ■ ■ ’ , ' * -VI  ^ • )' 

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-52- 

three  schemes  aimed  to  maintain  the  existing  assmeblies  as  the  basic 
structure  of  a new  federal  government  of  America. 

iVith  the  mention  of  Thomas  Pownall,  and  the  three  authors 
of  1774-1776^  the  list  of  real'-unionists  is  not  exhausted.  There  yet 
remains  a notable  one,  Edward  Bancroft,  of  whom  mention  has  already 
been  made.  In  his  "Remarks  on  the  Review  of  the  Controversy,"  this 
noted  writer  proposed  what  he  called  a political  union  in  a civil  ca- 
pacity based  on  equity,  mutual  advantage,  and  reciprocal  affection. 

The  scheme  began  with  a provision  for  parliamentary  control  of  trade, 
including  that  of  colonial  exports,  which  power,  he  thought,  was  "abun- 
dantly sufficient  to  secure  the  Dependence  of  the  Colonies"  on  Great 

n -4.  • 

Britain. 

As  for  parliamentary  taxation  of  the  colonies,  he  was 
really  opposed  to  it.  Since,  he  maintained,  the  parliamentary  con- 
trol of  trade  "mildly  exercised,  over  a loyal  and  grateful  People"  was 
"the  utmost  Extent  of  Taxation  that  one  People  can  exercise  over 
another,"  the  Parliament  should  disclaim  all  rights  of  taxing  the  Ame- 
rican colonies  even  for  the  purpose  of  regulating  commerce.  He  was 
quite  aware  of  the  fact  that  taxing  right  for  the  regulation  of  com- 
merce might  be  "under  specious  Pretences  . . . perverted  to  the  Pur- 

12 

pose  of  raising  a Revenue."  Summing  up  all  these,  he  remarked:  This 
is  the  Policy  which  Britain  can  alone  govern  the  East  and  West;  and 

11 

Edward  Bancroft,  Remarks,  122,129« 

12 

Ibid,  123* 


-53- 


that  this  Wisdom  alone  can  heal  the  Wounds  of  Public  Credit,  and  support 

13 

the  Weight  of  a tottering  Empire. 

Important  as  this  phase  of  the  plan  was  in  Bancroft's 
mind,  it  is  a provision  for  a federal  government  that  interests  most  the 
student  of  imperial  reconstruction.  Pointing  out  the  existence  of  one 
common  interest  and  necessity  of  unanimity  in  war  and  in  other  emer- 
gencies, Bancroft  advocated  the  formation  of  " a general  League  and 
Confederation,  for  their  common  Government,  and  mutual  Support  and 
Defence:  And  for  managing,  directing,  and  ordering  all  Affairs  concern- 
ing the  whole  Confederation.”  As  a concrete  procedure,  he  advised  that 
a certain  number  of  commissioners  be  chosen,  by  the  assembly  of  each  co- 
lony, and  authorized  to  hear  and  determine  all  affairs  of  war  and  peace, 

arts,  supplies,  pecuniary  grants,  and  all  things  which  are  proper  concomi- 

14 

tants  or  consequences  of  such  union  or  confederation. 

The  number  of  these  commissioners  from  each  colony  might 
depend  upon  the  discretion  of  each  colony,  but  their  voices  ought  to  be 
limited  according  to  the  number  and  wealth  of  the  inhabitants  in  the 
colony  concerned.  They  were  to  be  annually. elected, assembled  at  stated 
times,  or  on  particular  occasions,  dy  some  one  of  the  King's  governors, 
or  other  persons  to  be  appointed  by  him  for  that  purpose^  the  assent  of 
such  royal  representative  was  to  be  necessary  to  give  validity  to  the 
acts  of  the  general  congress.  Such  acts  of  the  congress  as  night  be 
passed  and  assented  by  the  royal  reprentative  were. absolutely  binding 

“ i 

13 

Edward  Bancroft,  Remarks,  129-130. 

^"^Ibid,  124. 


.-Ml^ 

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-54- 

upon  the  Eoembers  of  the  union  just  as  those  of  their  assemblies^  Aids 
and  grants  would  be  made  according  to  the  wealth  and  population  of  each 
colony,  and  in  such  manner  and  form  as  to  each  colony  should  appear  most 
eligible* As  a guard  against  corruption  and  evils  of  the  deputies  in 
congress,  it  was  suggested  that  the  provincial  assemblies  should  issue 
instructions  to  their  deputies  upon  any  matter  of  an  extraordinary  na- 
ture or  import. 

Besides  the  power  of  taxation  and  legislation,  the  general 
congress  of  the  union  was  to  be  clothed  with  authority  to  determine  final- 
ly "all  disputes  between  two  or  more  colonies;  while  any  difference 

between  the  colonies  and  any  other  of  his  majesty's  subjects  or  allies 

X ^ 

are  to  be  decided  by  the  King  in  Council!' 

Bancroft  considered  the  relations  of  America  with  Britain 
in  her  war  with  other  foreign  powers,  and  stated  that  the  congress 
should  grant  "Proper  Aids  and  Supplies,"  while  the  Parliament  should  not 
attempt  to  procure  them.  This,  he  observed,  will  afford  them  the  pleas- 
ing opportunities  of  demonstrating  their  affection  and  loyalty  to  their 

17 

sovereign. 

In  reviewing  such  a project  as  Bancroft's,  one  should  re- 
member that  it  was  proposed  in  1769,  when  there  existed  little  notion  of 
a federal  system  in  the  thinking  minds  of  the  empire.  Therefore,  the 
system  here  proposed  was  obviously  in  advance  of  the  times.  Bancroft's 

" j 

15 

Edward  Bancroft,  Remarks,  124-125* 

^^Ibid,  127. 

^*^lbid,  126. 


( • 40  |fw  5o;:;  k-s  e<^ 


i- >:':Hi--ai.i5'-  ACt'4  -1^1  non  • r<i.i‘Afli!6ri  -sloi-rs-.jifSA 

?*■'  ■ ■*  ■•’  . -t-Ji-  '- ; '^.  '’’ ’'r;^  ' ‘t** 

• > fit  ■•.  t'l  t I <>4a4^  jkJ^n'V'i  t.nk*. 


> , 


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■'  - ■"  ' ■ ■ ■••  ■-•  ■ n 


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't  ■ ■••  V *V'  t ( ">  :>;''t'^  --V. 

i'lP  :‘I^K-ff’a  ^ yoi  f -I .;  itttr  4jii|^ stfAi^  ’.Mectife 


■'  ^ . ',  , .ArTi  fil'. 

uvrfj"  * t£i«t  5'i«oi>o;5 

Lv;^5Mf*ai  e^iwi  tiw  ;i|^i  jtli^xr^ie^  Jj  '’ 

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■:'vi 


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f«tl^'44 


■ * ■ ■ i-  II '.  1 


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> ' oDi  GIA 


h'' 


6sifl,,->;^  ( 5isM.  ,i{.;42k^«»i>j£&k4iK .' jiVl 


-A-  it.wsji . ^:,  ,>llB  _J 


-55- 


plan  is  federal  or  at  least  quasi-federal,  and  its  essential  elements 
are  the  general  congress^  a Lord  Lieutenant. and < royal  governors,  pro- 
vincial autonomy,  imperial  trade  control,  and  reformed  judicial  sys- 
tem. The  scheme  itself  secured  almost  complete  legislative  indepen- 
dence for  America,  and  it  also  assured  the  Crown  administrative  con- 
trol. It  stipulated  no  royal  control  of  American  legislation  in  any 
way,  but  it  did  stipulate  direct  and  effective  royal  control  of  Ameri- 
can administration.  However,  one  should  not  lose  sight  of  the  importance 
of  parliamentary  trade  control  provided  in  this  plan,  which  itself  places 
the  whole  plan  in  the  category  of  real  union  instead  of  personal  union. 

Generally  considered,  probably  the  most  significant  part  of 
the  system  of  real  union,  as  has  been  said,  consisted  in  American  legis- 
lative independence  by  the  definite  renunciation  of  the  taxing  powers 
on  the  part  of  the  British  parliament.  This,  however,  did  not  mean  the 
end  of  parliamentary  control  over  America,  Instead,  the  Parliament 
would  still  retain  a definite  hold  over  the  colonies  through  its  trade 
regulation,  external  taxation,  or  gurantee  of  American  defence.  This 
point,  it  may  be  observed  is  the  differentiating  feature  of  the  real 
union  from  the  personal  union.  The  second  important  part  of  the  system 
of  real  union  was  royal  appointment  of  the  chief  American  executive  and 
judicial  functionaries,  and  the  third  was  the  establishment  of  a general 
congress  on  a federal  basis. 

The  proposed  real  unions  were  indeed  a great  concession  from 
the  imperial  standpoint,  since  they  reduced  the  authority  of  the  Parlia- 
ment to  a negligible  state  in  the  light  of  its  past  glory.  Even  this 


i • 'ft 


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^ *■  ' r ‘i  ,,  , ' . , ■ -t  'll  ' ‘ • *4'*^'  '■’ '*  "'-i‘  * 


’ , 144^, '&»'■••■  •S'><3.f  ^ -Jd»9,  6il  «..»4^?*(i4j,hi!M'>»ea’'ja«f 

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~ii  I j'in  'i  n»pi‘ ?r  I ifn  I'  ■!  i.iiiT  1^  f tii * i»i'«*r~*!»fr*Hfj 


-56- 


ooncession  was  unsatisfactory  to  the  colonials,  for  they  were  claiming 

that  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  "audacious  Parliament."  Indeed, 

many  Americans  and  some  English  were  willing  to  allow  a power  to  the 

King  as  an  individual,  which  they  would  not  admit  when  he  considered  him- 

18 

self  as  a part  of  the  legislative  power  of  the  imperial  State...  Thus, 

the  notion  of  personal  union  came  to  be  advocated  by  many  writers  who 

19 

had  often  quoted  the  case  of  the  Elector  of  Hanover. 

Writing  his  "Summary  Views"  in  1774,  Thomas  Jefferson,  one 
of  the  most  systematic  American  publicists  on  imperial  problems,  held 
that,  American  settlements  having  been  effected  at  the  expense  of  indi- 
viduals, and  not  of  the  British  public,  the  emigrants  thought  it  proper 
to  continue  their  union  with  Britain  by  submitting  themselves  to  the 
same  common  sovereign,  the  Grown,  which  was  thereby  mads  the  central 
link,  connecting  the  several  parts  of  the  empire.  At  the  same  time, 
Jefferson  definitely  deduced  that  the  British  Parliament  could  not  main- 
tain her  "visionary  pretensions"  of  superiority  over  America,  because 

American  "States  never  supposed,  that  calling  in  her  aid,  they  thereby 

20 

submitted  themselves  to  her  sovereignty."  However,  the  Virginian 
never  went  so  far  as  to  propose  any  concrete  project  for  imperial  re- 
organization on  the  principle  of  personal  union. 

21 

In  1775  "the  liberal  Granville  Sharp  urged  that  there 
should  be  established  a system  of  government  founded  upon  the  princi- 
18 

Essays  Commercial  and  Political,  53;  J.P. Foley,  Jeffer- 
sonian Cyclopedia,  963* 

J.  Tucker,  A Series  of  Answers,  53 

2^-  " , 

Foley,  op_._ci_t_.^_'963_;  


' ■".*  iWW^^W  ..'IJ  y ' ''^J.':!.*  ,';■  ^ ^ffcij'’"L  ' k * '■'■  ’ ' 

k. tv ^ 'i» f wmi ^ 4% ■ l4 «il^^ r 

i K^T~  f t . ! .‘  T-i»  4,'j  y .1--_  y tiV 


I r 


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Jtfl  ' "■  ' , * ' •'‘■^  ' ■»'  •,'  . ^«*'  v'  .«  ' ■ ''■:'  ''  *•■  ,v 


I&4-  .-'5’ 


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V,  .i"  '4  .:”T  ■•  . 

V'N.4*'^,V  r'M,  . 


,.  . " «/'**  ,'jp.  t..  „ 


(ft' 


■ t:  ’ St  f ' ^ 


KkiL/j 


-57- 

plss  of  personal  union,  ^'yhers  such  colonies  or  comiimnities^  he  said,  are 

so  far  away  from  the  realm,  -{^q  render  it  impossible  and  impracticable 

for  them  to  enjoy  a share  in  the  authority  of  the  parliament,  it  becomes 

necessary  to  allow  them  separate  and  independent  legislatures,  "by  which 

they  may  be  held  in  subjection,  and  a union,  to  the  Crown,  but  not  to 

the  Parliament."  The  union  between  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, he  cited  as 

an  example  of  the  true  constitutional  mode  of  connecting  British  domini- 

22 

ons  that  are  otherwise  separated  by  nature. 

It  was  reported  from  London  early  in  October,  1*775^  "It 

is  under  consideration  to  form  a parliament,  or  general  council,  for  all 

the  provinces  in  America,  something  similar  to  that  of  Ireland;  the  gov- 

23 

ernors  and  some  particular  officers  to  form  an  upper  house," 

Again,  at  about  the  same  time  a similar  and  more  detailed 
scheme  was  made  by  the  author  of  "Present  Peace  and  future  Government  of 
the  British  Colonies."  Its  first  article  provided: 

"That  during  the  seasonable  interruption  the  winter  months 
months  will  give  to  hostilities  in  America,  the  governors  of  the  Colonies 
be  directed  to  call  the  Assemblies  of  each  province  together,  and  to  ac- 
quaint them  with  his  |/;ajesty’s  gracious  intentions  of  affording  them  a 
legal  opportunity,  of  manifesting  the  sincerity  of  their  desires  of  a 

21 

Granville  Sharp  (1735-1813)  '^Q-s  a liberal  and  philanthro- 
pic character  who  notably  advocated  the  cause  of  America  and  fought 
against  slavery  and  press  gang.  He  wrote  "A  Declaration  of  the  People's 
natural  rights  to  a Share  in  the  Legislature"  in  1775» 

22 

^/.onthly  Review,  LIII,  180. 

Moore,  Diary  of  the  American  Revolution,  I,  147* 


«r  ; 


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V6''^  iP«dXXi  oi 

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‘■‘  J -fV!t'  ’ 


■■  \,  i'  ':  i ■ ?;  >\.'.'  ■•  %~  uMs^'a, 

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ti-f^ 

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^ ■ «tf(.t  ’tafc,  i'  'Mft^  Xlii,6^U  iu^;.  . 

1,:^  ;c  . ■■  : ^ 


, .E;^  Hf  Hij(A  ;.‘Xo  ,fe^4f0  grSil 


i,  ^ j^^o««w'ii|j'jori  ^ 4rf'*T»  1^  ■;'!^'#<S  ^»9»i  f'tti)t  .p*,?»to.i» 

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4’- 

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^ -v;  JIjLV 


-58- 


speedy  reconciliation  with  Great  Britain; — by  each  Assembly  choosing  a 
certain  number  of  deputies  (suppose)  four  members  of  the  council,  and 
tweleve  of  the  representatives  of  each  province  to  meet  at  Sew  York  or 
Philadelphia,  and  form  an  assembly  of  deputies.” 

And  the  second  article  stipulated  that,  if  the  said  deputies 
desired.,  his  Majesty  would  appoint  a Lord  Lieutenant,  who  would  concur 
with  the  deputies  in  "such  wise,  just,  and  salutary  measures,  as  may  be 
thought  most  expedient  for  settling  the  present  peace  of  America  and  for 
establishing  its  tranquility  and  allegiance  upon  the  most  lasting  founda- 
tion. " 

This  plan  consisted  of  seven  other  minor  articles,  all  branch, 
ing  out  from  the  first  and  second.  By  this  project,  observed  the  learned 
author,  the  Crown  would  maintain  its  constitutional  security  by  the  de- 
puties who  tax  them  returning  among  their  constituents  to  partake  of  the 
burdens  they  have  laid  upon  them.  The  whole  number  of  deputies,  not  be- 
ing mors  than  144,  he  added,  their  frequent  election  will  be  the  more 
necessary;  and  forty-eight  deputies  from  the  councils  will  be  an  equal 
security  to  the  prerogative  of  the  Crown  and  the  privileges  of  the  peo- 


According  to  this  proposal,  it  is  considered,  there  were  to 
be  constituted  a Lord  Lieutenant  similar  to  that  of  Ireland,  and  an 
American  congress  of  deputies  from  the  twelve  provinces,  numbering  144 
popular  representatives  and  forty-eight  royal  councilors.  Inasmuch  as 

24 

Monthly  Review,  LIII,  441. 


* I 

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fc{^»niT:’;;^  ‘I'*"*  ''i'^^^-^  n ^ « li 


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the  councilors  of  the  several  provinces  were  appointed  by  the  King,  their 
sitting  in  the  congress  would  have  secured  to  the  Crown  its  influence  in 
the  congress  aside  from  that  in  the  councils.  And  this  general  American 
legislature  was  to  be  unicameral  just  as  the  one  proposed  by  Joseph  Gallo- 
way. But  the  reported  plan  from  London  provided  a bicameral  body,  the 
upper  house  of  which  was  to  consist  of  the  "governors  and  some  particular 
officers"  to  be  appointed  by  the  King,  thus  also  assuring  the  maintenance 
of  the  royal  authority.  Therefore,  the  two  projects  were  in  full  accord 
with  each  other  so  far  as  the  partial  control  by  the  Crown  of  American 
federal  legislation  was  concerned.  Nevertheless,  the  two  differed  in 
the  number  of  legislative  chambers.  Again,  both  of  them  provided  a Lord 
Lieutenant  as  the  royal  representative  with  similar  powers  to  that  of 
Ireland.  There  was,  however,  no  stipulation  concerning  the  relation  and 
status  of  the  American  congress  in  respect  to  the  British  Parliament, 
evidently  showing  that  there  should  exist  no  relation  between  the  two, 
since  both  sections  in  the  imperial  body  politic  were  to  be  bound  to- 
gether only  by  the  personal  tie  of  the  King.  The  original  feature  of 
this  couple  of  schemes,  it  may  be  further  observed,  consisted  in  a pro- 
vision for  a Lord  Lieutenant  and  partial  control  by  the  Crown  of  general 
American  legislation.  All  the  same  in  respect  to  personal  union,  but 

different  from  the  above  by  the  absence  of  a provision  for  a Lord  Lieute- 

25 

nant  was  a project  offered  by  William  Henry  Drayton,  of  South  Carolina. 

25 

Drayton  was  one  of  the  most  ardent  and  active  patriots.  Dp 
to  1774  he  was  opposed  to  the  popular  movements  and  upheld  the  reyal 
prerogative.  However,  the  five  acts  of  Parliament  and  his  dismissal 
from  the  council  and  court  seem  to  have  led  him  to  change  his  mind. 

Gibbes,  op.  cit.,  1,  12,  59^;  A. B. Hart,  ContemporarieSj»  ll,  449-451. 


,i.";.'r»  vV-  ; yrf:  :.^11 

" ■ '■  •■  ■ ''  ' .osj :« ' ..V  '.ia  "'■-tIP' 

^■B  '^^'  ' ^ ' **  ^ ^ I'Ay^jT ■*  i£' 

jjEVtti^  vjsl’;  e.U.  ■'•» ii‘XlW«t‘  'eii  1:^' 

' ■■'*■*  - ’■  '' V'-v  si- 


ftj'; 

• ' !*  ' ’- ” V ' ' fc,  ' ' 


»'*  .^oU^  ^ ‘*.e>:.  itdi(i*3a  :*1'J,  W'«. 

li»a£S^M  tif.JR  itlA 

Jr--  ■ .“Ui€3  , ,’  ..'■■\:'^*  . " a , 

( • ,.  ''  ' \f'  {'■'  ' ' ' 'J-  ' ‘ ' 

^'},i.'^  ' .,%■  ' ' . a:  V 

-OJ ;;rvHv 

ii  'V  ' ■ ” y R * ■ 'I  ‘ ' 

j - % ' virt  w Vf' 

^ ^ t :t|;^<iV  7»ecUr- ^4) 

^•'  , i;.,  .'“■’•'if',  ’ ' ' • . ’#  jjj, ' - -t.  ' 

^ ,’>itti^,iX'r^l  >3^ 

■ '^  ,fv  , ■ ■ '«4' in  \.^r^v«';ii . 


I /. 


aoiSiarigel.'jiii 


vV, ’'^‘!’  ■ • =-  t>‘  , :'  ' ‘ 

IR^ V •., 'jf-J'/'-  y ■ - ■ ' . ■' ■ - ■ ■ ^ vv^'m j^s 

&'■  ■,  ■ ■ ,1, 


’ y*'  ■'  '-••  ^ " / '■"  •’'''"^'^7*^ "IT"'  I ■•'''' 

/mt%  hU:  ^tnot  jk^  ‘iieuafo? 

j!  <r^vyi^ 

. ■/-  ■'.'  ■ 'ja'-  ' -''v’  -^'* 


' jj*  ■ 


►4r'  rV  :VJ' 


-60- 

On  August  10,  1774,  Drayton  wrote  under  the  signature  of 
"Freeman"  a brilliant  pamphlet,  addressing  it  to  the  Congress  then  just 
convening.  Being  deprived  of  his  office  as  King's  judge  on  account  of 
this  writing,  the  South  Garolinan  enlisted  in  the  cause  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  served  in  Congress  for  some  years  thence  until  1779,  when  he 
died  at  the  age  of  36.  The  author  started  his  work  with  a review  of 
Britain's  despotic  rule  in  America  through  (1)  Parliamentary  taxation 
without  colonial  representation,  (2)  autocratic  constitution  where 
councils  acted  both  as  legislators  and  as  chancellors,  (3)  ill-suited 
judicial  system,  and  (5)  arbitrary  exercise  of  powers  by  Parliament 
over  the  colonies. 

With  these  in  mind,  Drayton  proceeded  to  vindicatet.be  rights 
and  liberties  of  the  Americans.  Flatly  denying  the  right  of  Parlia- 
ment to  tax,  the  author  proposed  the  abolition  of  "the  Constitution  of 
the  present  councils  in  America,  by  Mandamus."  hew  ones,  he  urged, 
should  be  composed  of  members  called  out  by  the  King  from  American  fa- 
milies. He  also  advocated  the  reform  of  the  American  judiciary ,.which^  he 

said,  should  make  the  British  House  of  Lords  a final  court  of  appeals 

27 

for  America.  The  King's  prerogative,  he  thought,  ought  not  and  could 
not  of  right  be  more  extensive  in  America  than  in  Great  Britain. 

Then  the  South  Carolian  came  to  his  most  essential  part  of 
his  work,  where  he  demanded  a new  system  of  government  for  the  colonies. 

2 A 

Gibbes,  op.  cit.,  17. 

27  , . . 

'j^^-47..  _ 


d^\  maSn:F^i  ./^v  ‘ 


St  .,<t  I ? . ;i^  -I 

if  r l6  vT7H^*  ^X,n<  »i4  /ica-j 


.•4wS  '^>4 

- -i  :- 


t * f • • » X I yf^'i<  ,r  'w,  f , « ■ ^ -j  ■•Kiw'M 

T V.  ■ , • ' ""•■■■  '••'  X. 

I if#4^  ■ ji 

^ yi  -1  ' ; . ■%'■'  :^t  ■’"  i 

1^  JLA'J  ^.i  r I '.  I f\  r*H^  I r > ' Vi  u .t  * ' *.AV-  ^*Mb  r ii-->’#>’* . 1ft.  A <*  4» 


hUki^Hi  ^ri 

^ ■ , , . :» 'P  • ^ ^ ^ ■ '■.  _,^  ■ Xt'' , , ■ ’T ;/  ■••,^ 

%p 


\il.  ••' 


W-  ■'■>  ■ * * , . T i ‘‘'i  1^  ' , . •.  - ■■  \il*  ■•! 

;•  '' ' • ' •■  ■ ■"  •■5 


, ^V-  . . ' •';  ■ If « ' \ -f 


Jii4i40.oc 


?■■'  •\^’:-|4cr.  ^':^ijcy  Tt^'  ’•  4.  tc;,  iW>iilft-a^,  -ui 

«,«  ..ti^.1,  ..(if  V'if\W*%S4Ur  .»^d6i^«^v4tt:.tai!0((^ 

f » * ’ ■ 4)1  ■ - 

. ■■  51  .*-,'H^  - 7f« 


L (.,  ^ '■  ‘ ' K'  ;'A'  ‘ ^ 


.1,  b- vV--'^w?.i  . , . . , — ••'  '«>"aVr 

.•Ulvisr  •4%in,*.-.;«-l'^^.T  ftf.\#.a5l4l/., 


■ . ^;r  .r'jv 


*A«'  ■ ■ ■ -'' 

,;  ^ . .. 


:«f? 


■ — »••  •■  - .V  ■ ’^■‘ 


vT/' 


-61- 


Ths  basic  point  of  the  scheme  was  in  a clause  stipulating  a High  Court 
of  Assembly  of  Korth  America,  which  was  to  be  convened  by  the  royal 
writs  to  the  two  houses  of  the  assembly  in  each  colony  to  choose  an 
equal  number  of  persons  in  each  house  as  their  and  each  of  their  Repre- 
sentatives in  the  High  Court*  The  Court,  he  said,  shall  have  powers 
to  make  laws  of  a general  nature  binding  the  whole  continent  of  North 
America  as  well  as  concerning  all  general  aids  to  the  Crown.  It  was 
also  an  essential  part  of  his  plan  that  America  was  legally  to  main- 
tain to  the  King  like  faith  and  allegiance  as  the  people  of  England, 
and  the  High  Court  was  to  grant  general  aids  to  the  Crown  in  the 
same  way  as  the  British  parliament  does.  To  be  sure,  each  colony  was, 
in  his  mind,  to  regulate  its  internal  polity  as  heretofore  by  its  own 
internal  legislature. 

Such,  he  observed,  seemed  to  be  the  grievances  and  claims 
of  America,  and  the  form  of  legislature  was  in  conformity  with  the 
principles  of  English  constitutional  law.  To  him  some  such  system  of 
government  appeared  to  be  an  absolute  necessity.  And  if  the  whole 
continent,  he  added,  should  be  thought  too  extensive  under  one  legis- 
lature, that  impropriety  could  be  easily  remedied  by  dividing  the 

whole  into  two  districts  as  nearly  equal  as  may  be  a division 

28 

naturally  pointed  out  by  every  principle  of  true  policy. 

The  original  feature  in  the  Drayton  project  was  in  the 
High  Court,  which  would  have  combined  at  once  the  legislative  and 


28 


1 9. 


'Sibbes,  op.  cit.. 


Ji»i.v«r-^i.it,-.  ;.:i 


St:' 


^ yy-^i  ,-  ^ ^^jjf«,surr --'ri 


"I- 

f 


t|/  ilfl  f.>n-  4\if  , '1’C 


» A 


• ■■■  -i 

tJV' ’ 


<■''■  ■'■'  ■;  . .7:  ■•  > ■ . <•■  V-,  ■ >’  '■  ,. .~  >7’ 'i' ’ir* 

■■  >'■  , ■ • '-^  '.. , > ' ' ' '■  i -Ti*  ' ■ ’ --  ...  ■ .vi-’'-’^'''4‘;J55f, '.  ^ ■. 

',  ^ ' ' '"'i  '‘*.:v  r 

fi  \fi- . ■ . S'  J;Xa 

^ ' ' .'/  '^"?S  ' ' •';  it'  '''''  ' jA''"kf 

»«v!'  *'  ■ ' '■  ' ' ,M  j ■ ' 


a,  '; 


^ Hi; 'fc^ Iti- v|(  V 

k;  .;  f Ai  ..Af'QTJ  «4'dr' 

' r . \ . ■;■  . ’'■^-  V ' ’ ' '■  ^ !;■' 

■'*':, ''  t 43'.  J''  %t;  cT  s4i4.tA'f^^ 

V c4v|f 

^'{ji' .ca^ ' ^'  'A- 

" t,  ■-  rt7-  -^.  ,x^^t-‘':' ■ ■ '' -V 


i ■ 


'•:,f  •^',«'T|^  '•■'  I ''-  4".‘v' '■ ’"  '■ 


l<  ^ ^ 


-.'V  , > • H"  .iWojK 


Am 


-62- 

executive  departments  of  the  federal  government  of  America,  without 
any  lord  lieutenant  ot  the  like.  The  High  Court  was  to  be  composed 
of  an  equal  number  of  representatives  from  each  chamber  of  the  pro- 
vincial assemblies,  thus  allowing  each  province  an  equal  voice  in  the 
general  government.  Again,  it  was  bicameral,  and  the  upper  chamber 
was  probably  intended  to  be  made  up  of  deputies  from  the  councils, 
and  the  lower  chamber  of  those  from  the  houses  of  representatives. 

In  this  connection,  he  insisted  on  the  reform  of  provincial  councils 
by  royal  appointment  of  leading  American  families  to  such  offices 

99 

instead ^f  Snglish  placemen  and  strangers.  He  warned  that  the 
exercise  ;of  judicial  powers  oy  the  governors  and  councils  of  several 
provinces  threatened  "the  very  existence  of  the  freedom  of  a State; " 
and  argued  that  they  "can  not  of  right  possess  any  judicial  power 

30 

whatsoever."  And  he  favored  the  reform  of  the  judicial  system  based  on 
the  principle  of  separation  of  powers. 

As  has  been  observed,  the  High  Court  was  to  be  convened  by 
the  King’s  writs  directly  to  the  two  houses  of  the  provincial  legis- 
latures, the  High  Court  was  to  grant  aids  to  the  Crown  in  the  same 
way  as  Parliament  did,  and  there  was  to  be  no  constitutional  relations 
between  that  body  and  parliament.  therefore,  it  is  not  unfair  to 

29 

"Wc  do  not,"  he  held,  "yet  decline  dignities.  Lordships, 
and  dukedoms,  bU4  we  have  an  qquitable  right  to  the  benefit  of  the 
English  constitution."  — Gibbes,  op.  cit.,  29*  It  must  be  remembered 
that  propsals  for  the  creation  of  American  nobilities  were  already  made  by 
men  like  William  Knox  and  Gov.  Bernard. 

30 

Gibbes,  op.  cit.,  29,  17- 


'■'I' 


m--  i'l'  ■' 


‘*  ; -4'  \ ’’'V  ■'  , ...  -Vi  ' ',  V 

' ' •-  ‘ • 1 ;;!.•> -4" 


xwjk;  •.■■  • , , *.  sv*i ,v,.  ■■'■'.  i'C'jSl-  5 Vj»-  B»*i 

% i 'M't  b^ii\cs 

IT' ,^;»•M•''■  '^v.'  ' ■ ^ .-^.  , 

8;:f  ':‘uHoXxivw 


;»i 


'>tg 


' «s,v 


'■''■•t.i.  :"‘"S. 


i4t- 


i ^ 


'f  ' '■  -■  '^'  - P2'2’;'’  ' '.yl\‘  :,  . ■' 

' '^'■' ' ''2  ' ’■'  ^ ffi  ■> k . 

.-v^  *.''  ..  ' t <*<*  ^'  ' '**^1  ' 'i  'iit*  "w 

;•'  *"'  ■ ■«■  i£,'  P^'-'  ^ * . ' i^.  •*  ■»  ” •■••  * '.  ' .'  A(#/,  ■'.'.  '-,  ’*■':  ''^  / ’'* 

■ ■'  '’  '■'^^/'‘V V ■ , , 


(i  ? 


i‘" 


,'*i  ■'.. 


1^'  ’‘sXq4 


b'*‘fc.  ,'  ■’•  tj  ,■  ' 2.,  ',  ''Ij  - . .'  ' * ■ '-<#-9  '''^'^:.L  ■■■4>.-'^  **■ 

■■.  ■'  «i-f  'flis|.  ', ;i. V©^- ' I*!  M 


i.'Mo ^ .u^aoi,4;fi^ 

* "■  y^  1 *1:  V ■ , " '■  ■ • 

'•  t ' .•  . ' ‘l  . 


t ^ >ft  ■ ?,eic„  TWi-jw  . 


i -Ki-  .•  » 5 ■ .-.I'  ..  jX*-u  JL- 


^■/-  k'..;-',  ■''*  -■  - iD^* 'ili  . ' ^,iw'r«—  .—  — V*.  ~ "^  , ~ ^ I 


! ' ■ ' "■  '.%2»#|.;‘.>of)  ,«M^ 


f 1',  , ••  V :.  . r f . ^ r’^r  r ^ iri^  ■■'*  w v<wf  v •-  ^w».-  _,  )m  **t  f«  W-4J^«  JL  m 

liTA.'/.,  '.  '■'  if /^i-  ft..;S^  «.'■"  i . ^ 


f*i,  ,. 


A. 

•'.«,.  I 


-es- 
say that  Drayton  had  in  mind  a constitution  based  on  personal  union  in 
contradistinction  with  that  founded  on  real  union  or  colonial  autonomy 
under  Parliament. 

This  constitutional  scheme  the  Carolinan ‘addressed  to  "the 
Deputies  of  Eorth  America  in  General  Congress"  for  consideration.  It  v?as 
three  weeks  before  Galloway  proposed  his  famous  plan  of  union.  Con- 
trasted with  Galloway's  plan,  Drayton's  was  entirely  different  in  that 
its  structure  was  bicameral  ^ equally  representing.  each  provincial 
assembly,  instead  of  being  unicameral  wit-h.  proport ional^-representat ion 
• the  Galloway  scheme.  Another  point  of  difference  was  a provision 

for  the  royal  representative  in  the  project  of  the  Pennsylvanian,  which 
found  no  place  in  that  of  the  Carolinan.  Nevertheless,  both  were 
eqaully  federal. 

There  yet  remains  a very  important  scheme  for  imperial  re- 
organization, which  comes  well  into  the  category  of  personal  union. 

That  is  found  in  the  "Plan,  or  Articles  of  Perpetual  Union,  Commerce, 
and  Friendship,  between  Great  Britain  and  her  American  Colonies," 
which  appeared  in  London  about  Uaj,  l^SO,  when  General  Clinton  had  just 
captured  Charleston.  This  unknown  writer  showed  an  escellent  knowledge 
of  political  science  and  constitutional  law.  His  plan  aimed  to  accom- 
plish three  great  objects,  viz.  solid  political  union  between  America 

51 

and  Britain,  American  home  rule,  and  imperial  trade  freedom. 

51 

The  first  of  these  three  objects  were  intended  to  be  se- 
cured by  articles  2-3,  5~6,  9-12,  52-53;  second,  by  6-12,  21-56, and 
38;  the  third,  by  13-19,  and  37.  Cf.  Plan, or  Articles,  69. 


^ -^  A'y.d. 


P'  m<'  , , v'^^  ■■  ^ '■  '^' 

DI  t 5»  V it,  c;.  ■ • , ->':'  i’i 


■ ' rf,  . .r^-i 

h 

i 


! c».'4 


£i‘4r- 

y*  4*.  .’. 9^14^1 1 u^’A'*-  ’-<1^ 


, _ _ . .’■  ’-"j  .€ 


, 3 __  '’  ';  ■ i . ■■  * ' - "■*■«»..,  -i''  • j.  ....  . . * ....  ,•■ -tr!i>^  Y .,'  . *** ...  - t .^-«i  •':.  i"i\ 


,pf 


'■  • j <’it*^aiW‘  Hii^'*' • .4^,4 tfo'Ufri”- ■ tii  &‘'jS&rV'!'‘' 


:j 


• I 


w,^'..  ■ ■-i'_  '...V'-'  -;.'  . •-  ■ . 

it  b^-t^ 

L f ■ ,^  ■-  _•  • ^'Lr/  .I'fiJ; 


H?  ^ J .ifpl  r>zig9tct: 

pUe  43i>^ 

■■  .•  ■-  'A'’  r.5  . , ' ' 'AU  ‘*  > " ; . V.  : \\r\^’J\  /‘•e-'''’^. ' ■ ' •■ 


'*»  • 


mrj 


'■5' 


•t. 

. V. 


*'  "u* 


' # *7 


!V'  '^.. 

X • 

IMtr 


■'.  f'''  ^ :d  '■:  i 


\u, 


'"  . li 

■j 


m.  wj»».>r.'pTp^''VX  y‘«'»'^»i'il''^-t ^yr’T'C?WYy^> "3^ 

jLy  ^ .....  t<^.T-a.  ' 'Vr.tr  1'-.  , • 


<ri‘> 


^iy:  ? 


r - 


-64- 

ID  ths  first  place.  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  America  were 

henceforth  to  be  but  one  empire  and  one  people  under  the  common  Crown  of 
32 

Great  Britain,  enjoying  the  same  or  similar  privileges;  and  for  the 
purpose  of  imperial  defence,  the  King  should  have  full  powers  to  com- 
mand the  armed  forces  to  be  furnished  by  the  several  nations  upon  their 

33 

respective  consent.  According  to  Article  XXXII,  the  Crown  should 
appoint  a Lord  Commssioner  paid  by  Great  Britain;  to  whom  all  acts 
passed  by  Congress  should  be  formally  presented  "as  a matter  of  infor- 
mation only."  This  royal  representative  should  be  perpetual  president 

of  the  General  Congress,  and  he  or  his  deputy  should  have  a voice  in 

34 

case  of  equality. 

Furthermore,  ths  King  as  ths  sovereign  of  America  should 
appoint  , direct,  and  disiiiss  all  the  provincial  governors  who  were 
to  be  paid  by  the  provinces.  The  governor,  read  Article  X,  with  the 
advice  of  his  council,  should  have  the  disposal  of  all  places  of  civil 
trust  within  his  government,  the  appointment  of  all  the  inferior 
officers  of  the  militia,  and  the  "subordinate"  power  to  command  the 
militia  to  any  part  within  the  limits  of  his  province.  In  appointing 
governors,  it  was  provided,  the  Crown  must  select  them  from  among 
natives,  or  resident  inhabitants  of  at  least  three  years  standing  in 
America. 

32 

Plan,  or  Articles,  I9.  ( Art.  V.) 

Ibid,  16-18  passim. 

^^Ibid,  50  ( Arts.  XXXII»XXXIII» ) 


, ;•.  V v'' • ; ^\*y  . 

^ • ■ ■ “^'  '■  ■“■*‘’- 


■ -f  ' ■ ^ '% 

i^r:  Ik^ 

f' 


' ■'  ■ ' ■ ''-.K,  hrtflV' 

5<fi  ■»* 

.^,  V v^  :-  f j 


'•  1^' 


"U.  H 


'ii 


' f'j 

k'.II  jiy., 


&«.  it't‘t*U:"t.'‘$k\kf<Ct  tii  Vli«J.t3rti  jli«Sd?7r*«*«  54i»lsSp&V'I« 

:■■“■■  ■■  ...■■i'  - _,  V-  ,'-r  ■ 


S.', 


’ ' '«"  ■ • >'  '■  '^1-  '■  ■ 't,  ’.  * ""'K'  "^'  ' 


■f  IT*  >•  ''■*^v''  ■'  ' ■ ''4-  /i 

I ru  tJk»;jJ..  . <^.  ‘ t,i.’  '-SoM»6t  ^«jfll»«llji|\',*' 


?.•■.:  . • ^:  . . ' ..*•  . ...  '‘vMi 


I .•■■  ■■  , . . , •^.vi  •'  o'  . Jr®  ''.^r:^'  ■ 

T ■ • .7ontji-  lie  Ixi V. Jf •* V , 11.4 ' ' 

I aSi''*‘-  l'^'*  ’ :■  ■ ■ •■  •■ :"  ■’  ■.:  m '•  •"W  V ' rt" 

iLa • *'. .•'  !<;•  * V, . ikN**-;';  .'.'■•<.■*!  •„  ■''^’■'^v  W:*  ^ .‘•f-^'i 


v^. , i'v 


. -cal  vaji/., ’’ ,f^.t 4 .'♦^iiM 
UA^bSHS  ^ ^ ^ ‘‘  i. 

*trt  * .i|  « a4illw 


' C'Jr'  . •»•  1 ^ ' > •'■JM  , tf  .¥•!  Mil" 

..  ■ ■ !:*■  ■ ',  ' ' ’J ; ,j,- ji'iiSfei  , 


r^\  ■ -‘M/ '*i:'.>;¥|l  . ' f- 


■?3'-' 


■;!ifi’j|'*A. 


:i  ■■'^ 


lifc' ■ ,>'i.i'-;J> 


MMife  ' 


-65- 

Aside  from  the  above  points,  it  was  stipulated  that  "the 

present  laws  of  Great  Britain  extend  to  be  in  force  over  the  whole  of 

British  America,  except  where  they  interfere  with  any  other  particular 

35 

laws  in  the  American  dominion."  This,  and  the  other  provisions 

above  noted,  are  clearly  intended  to  gain  American  dependence  on  Great 

Britain,  and  thus  to  unite  two  great  dominions  into  one  great  empire. 

The  second  purpose  of  the  "Plan,  or  Articles  of  perpetual 

Union,"  that  is,  American  home  rule,  was  to  be  obtained  by  proposals 

to  be  discussed  below.  For  administrative  purpose,  British  America 

was  to  be  divided  into  four  provinces  of  l^ova  Scotia-Mew  England, 

Kew  York-pennsylvania-Kew  Jersy,  yaryland-Virginia-h'orth  Carolina, 

and  South  Carolina-fflorida.  Again,  each  province  was  to  be  subdivided 

36 

into  counties,  and  each  county  into  districts.  As  a federal  govern- 
ment of  America  there  were  provided  a General  Congress,  an  Executive 
Board,  and  a Lord  Commissioner.  Article  XXIX  said  that  "the  Congress 
shall  be  the  grand  legislature,  superintending,  and  controling  power 
throughout  all  British  America;  that  it  shall  be  possessed  of  an  autho- 
rity finally  to  settle  all  differences  that  may  arise  between  the 
different  Provinces."  Of  course,  the  Congress  had  the  sole  power  to 
tax  the  people  for  the  necessary  purposes  of  government.  It  was  to  be 
composed  of  Delegates  annually  chosen  by  the  Electors  of  each  province, 
and  it  was  to  sit  at  least  two  months  in  Philadelphia  or  some  other 

37 

convenient  place, 

35 

Plan,  or  Articles,  19  (Art.  V.) 

36 

Ibid,  31-32  (Arts.  XXI,  XXII.) 

37 

Ibid,  37  (Art.  XXV.)  Notable  provisions  were  made  in 


>Tv?  '^' 

■V’l. ' <■'’'>.'■  '■■■<  ; • 


’> 


! '■  ■"'<nit»»'l*t-*V  •.«■»  <4Mj»  *i'W'1^tVI^  »5)4i  ,*aii  aJ  :t}S?i-i, 

a?'-'.'  ■'  1;'S' 

^ 'S>:L>.‘af,(texi--f:;:' ' m -:  ^4a  ■ «■ 

|_JKWv|S-i, 


\1' 


.'tin 


'\  ■' 


■Xi 


»H-.  sas4^u'.w  . <a 

,^^t- ' ■^'tVvv^o  '.^0  oJ  ex*' 

8fi®'  ',•  ..  .•  ,'  - 

L /.  -A  . Jw  V ;. X , 5^,-v  ■»,.  t r;?a’!« ^ r,sstm!3ki‘i>  -e'i  ' '" 

;>^i 

‘V„  iV'  "•  ' -•’■■*  ■ ^ 

t'r'v:.  , • ffi  t'l!> 


. ' • •.  ' ’■  ..I  ''  ■ . ..'.  "V^  • ‘^•w'-'-jt'l 


“A*  Vt‘>  C -.  k '. 


, ’ - • « . ,' , ; • ' V . .V  i.  \wf.  • 


*w~A  . . ..,  •»  ’.  ''rf^iivv  - '■*■  J.-W  , .**  •'■  '..  •■ 

-aiS*»*  ««  Sf,  S^r  ;o/p i^mr.Ji''/.t^•4i»i 

I *'  • ‘ %-  ' ’■  .■  ■A 

^■•■W  S*»o,  •■’*»|§'«^ 

S't;a^|4  S«-ilie;'V£5j4»lW'!»^^ 

"■  fjBt’’  ■'  ' " '■ '"^ ''*■■■ ' - ’'■*7*'  ■ '■  '’■  ' ■'  ■ •'  " •••  ■•  •>  "I-  , ‘'  .'  ',*  .j  .••  ; •’»■•,  . ;■  jj 

I ' A .'l  ' ,■.  .i  , I-.'  . Aj.  '••  '■'■  .1  f'S\t^ 


-66- 


The  executive  power  of  the  federal  government  was  to  be 
vested  in  "a  deputation,  commission,  or  executive  power”  composed  of 
tweleve  Deputies  in  all  , or  three  from  each  province.  These  Deputies 
were  to  be  annually  chosen  from  the  Representatives  of  the  people  by 
the  Electors  of  each  province*  and  the  ""Deputies  were  to  receive  a com- 
mission with  general  instructions  for  their  future  conduct,  and  were  to 

solemnly  take  an  oath  to  maintain  the  laws  and  to  keep  the  Union  in- 
58 

violate.  They,  it  was  further  declared,  shall  form  "a  perpetual 

court  at  Philadelphia,  or  some  other  central  and  convenient  place." 

The  two-thirds  of  them,  or  eight  Deputies,  should  make  a quorum;  and 

they  should  have  the  receipt  and  payment  of  all  the  money  collected  in, 

and  all  those  in  the  revenue  department  should  be  of  their  appointment. 

The  Executive  Board  was  further  empowered  to  call  out  and  command  the 

39 

militia  within  the  limits  of  their  authority.  The  Lord  Commissioner, 

it  is  said,  shall  be  perpetual  President  of  the  Executive  Board  as 

well  as  that  of  the  General  Congress,  and  be  has  a vote  in  case  of  a tie. 

In  conformity  with  the  principle  of  American  self-government 

the  British  parliament  was  to  renounce  "all  claims,  rights,  or  titles, 

which  it  has  or  might  have  enjoyed  over  British  America,"  whether  of 

40 

taxation,  or  legislation,  either  internal  or  external.  Again,  on 

in  regard  to  suffrage,  indirect  election,  and  proportional 
representation.  All  males  over  20  years  of  age  could  vote  in  the  elec- 
tion of  Electors  who  would  choose  Representatives  for  the  province  at 
large.  Vide  Arts.  XXIII,  XXVII/  and  XXVIII,  in  Plan,  or  Articles. 

^^Ibid,  46  (Art.  XXX.) 

59 

Ibid,  49/  (Art.  XXXI) 

40 

Ibid,  53  (Art.  XXXVI.) 


f^rrsf  fr-  ■,  . 

-•  ~-  Hi  '''4  . ^'jT'PfclK.raB 


V 


"■'t, 


HP?* ,.  :ii.u  4j.|  A.,  •Jflisi'ifc  *'  ■-'«U '‘lo 

• ;..  } A-.^i'  , T i-y  , .kjB»«ii«- :i.lL'r* 


,1  ‘J^  ..  , 


V •, 


‘ «'j  f,' l^r  ■ '4-.'f*’oi!  v'i ' 


■■’•  ’**.'•■.  -..'•/HiSfA,  ■ • J ' ..  ^:-i  i.  ''  *. ., 


cr=r'a- 


-i.,?/..';  i"  I .- 


: ' J.:m 


vT;-.' 


' ' ' ' ^ '2'f.2  ’ 


■>ii  . ...'/Kf^ 


^ ^ ^ '^i”  iH’t  ' *'*  ■ A • '• 


, ,^v'£^^*wr»  X 4.-.H  .fweilt*!  or 

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*>Si,  ‘>0  ‘ “ ^'  "' 

7 > < 

.1  '>.. 


^ ' ■ . ';v,Avv^  ^ ^-.;  ..-  . 


fev  V .3»‘  < *j'#»  feiwfer.  h*>j|  " 2awl|'^^  £«fe5^  '1‘^ 

&•■  .^'  ,'^..  '^i^. iii. '.<■«: >,* -i  ^ 

■ TpA  .’‘  ■ * ' ^ ' T'  M*, 

' ffeit  ff .' ;.44U\  yX  i ' 'i  « ctf  > " 


-67- 

the  same  ground,  no  military  force  in  the  British  pay  was  to  be  kept  up 
or  maintained  in  America  without  the  formal  consent  or  requisition  of 

the  Congress. 

The  provincial  governor  was  to  be  advised  and  checked  on 

important  matters  by  a council  of  twenty-four  annually  chosen  by  the 

Electors  of  the  province.  Every  province  had  to  establish  county 

courts  and  a supreme  court  of  law,  whose  justices  were  to  be  appointed 

by  the  governor  and  the  council,  and  to  be  paid  by  the  province.  The 

provincial  assembly,  besides  its  obvious  and  regular  functions,  had 

to  transmit  to  the  secretary  of  the  Congress  "a  faithful  account  of 

41 

the  true  state  of  each  province."'  Moreover,  the  province  should 
have  a militia  made  up  of  all  the  males  capable  of  bearing  arms 
between  twenty-five  and  twenty-eight. 

The  freedom  of  trade  within  the  empire,  the  third  aim 

of  the  new  constitution,  was  to  be  secured  to  all  the  subjects  of 

Britain,  Ireland,  and  America.  Nevertheless,  the  last  mentioned 

42 

nation  was  to  suffer  some  limitations.'  By  Article  XIV,  all  commodities 
gro'wn  or  made  in  Britain  and  Ireland  were  to  be  absolutely  duty  free 
throughout  Amierica, unless  they  were  carried  by  foreign  vessels, in  which 
case  they  v/ere  to  be  subject  to  the  paymient  of  tv^3nty  per  cent.  duty. 

^^This  report  was  to  be  made  with  special  reference  to 

trade,  industry,  agriculture,  and  the  best  means  to  promote  the  prosperity 

of  the  province  concerned. 

42 

plan,  or  Articles,  24,  54. 


ss 


. V * 


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5 ; -# 


■iV. 

r/  '■  v;/^  .J.ij  . .,,-y/-.  ,;  • - ■ '*',®/;'’’  ''‘^  *1 

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l»  __  T 'L*'  * '*  *"  ’■'^  ' ' ■•'■-?''  ' ■ ' , ■ ‘ , . ■■ 

f *0^^’?  «•'  i'.-.-.vr4iT6C  3to  ‘fbfc>)&idet 

J «d)  |q4#ic- 

j*'"' "^jj^’’ '*  ^ \i^c*^jtt  f%i»o  ^‘A/  ixi  ’b-*/ft<f' ' 

"-,' "-i..;'  . '/ : !jI  ^ .'^'o  ■•'•!>*'•'  I 

/ ■-.  yM'  7,a!99^^' 

■’■  J .'J^  *4’I- - 1 * ' A '■  ^ ■ *,  • , ■ ■’ ,’^3 

B*iVi , _.  ' ,-  v;  ..>V.;  '/' ■ .f' 

. •'  ^^-^''^  ’••‘■>  ■ .'rvto.rtMi.AXf 

<tV4V!e'iijoivw  «vr,y^^ , 

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''■’*  ^’ ••^/"' iwbt;  ,.eo!a  t v<rtq^d(<:Vl0¥ 

.r^  >5Sipp^4^.  - ' ; .i,  V-1 

,•  i'i »Xdl ' -<A . lai*^ d/^i '' J j 4 


-68- 


On  the  other  hand,  American  export  and  import  goods  were  made  subject  to 
a certain  duty  fixed  for  that  purpose.  Foreign  goods,  it  was  said, 
must  pay  twenty  per  cent.,  if  carried  in  vessels  belonging  to  imperial 
subjects;  and  thirty  per  cent.,  if  carried  in  foreign  bottom,  upon  their 
importation  into  America.  The  revenue  thus  obtained  was  to  support  pro- 
vincial governments.  Obviously  these  provisions  were  calculated  to  put 
in  full  play  the  economic  principles  of  iViercantilism  in  the  interests 
of  the  empire  at  large,  and  especially  in  those  of  the  British  Isles. 

The  grant  of  the  produce  of  twenty  per  cent,  of  import  duty,  it  is 
noted,  must  be  regarded  as  an  innovation  and  concession  in  favor  of  the 
provincial  governments,  and  thus  America  in  general. 

In  way  of  review,  the  characteristics  of  this  elaborate 
scheme  for  imperial  reconstruction  will  be  pointed  out.  First  of  all, 
there  was  to  be  no  parliamentary  control  whatsoever  over  America.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  British  Grown  was  to  be  the  sovereign  of  America, 
and,  as  such,  he  was  to  appoint  the  Lord  Commissioner  who  would  preside 
over  both  the  General  Congress  and  the  Executive  Board,  although  hia 
assent  was  to  be  no  requisite  for  their  acts.  Furthermore,  the  King 
was  authorized  to  appoint  all  the  governors  of  the  provinces.  In 
the  second  place,  the  Congress  was  made  the  supreme  American  legislature 
and  the  Executive  Board  of  twelve  Deputies  the  highest  executive  magis- 
tracy, The  judiciary  consisted  of  county  courts,  provincial  supreme 
courts,  and  the  Congress,  the  final  court  over  interprovincial  disputes* 
Thus,  it  is  clear  that  the  plan  fell  in  the  category  of  personal  union, 
for  there  was  no  common  organ  of  government  except  the  Crown  among  the 
three  distinct  political  entities Britain,  Ireland,  and  America. 


X'...  - 

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-69- 


Coffipared  with  the  projects  of  Sharp,  Drayton,  and  a few  others,  the 
"Plan,  or  Articles  of  Perpetual  Union"  was  by  far  the  most  elaborate 
and  complete  in  that  it  represented  a brilliant  synthesis  of  all  the 
other  projects  found  in  the  same  category.  Perfect  and  ingenious  as 
this  new  proposed  constitution  was,  it  was  none  Dhe  less  one  of  those 
fanciful  products  of  political  speculation. 

In  conclusion  of  the  present  chapter,,  a few  words  may  be 
said  upon  the  general  features  of  the  proposed  systems  of  real  union 
as  well  as  of  personal  union.  In  the  first  system  the  most  signifi- 
cant features  were  parliamentary  taxation  as  in  Pownall's  plan,  or 

parliamentary  trade  regulation  as  in  the  schemes  of  Bancroft  and 
43 

1776^  or  imperial  guarantee  of  American  defence  as  in  the  projects  of 
1774,  1775>  and  1776.  On  the  contrary,  in  the  second  system  we  find 
not  even  allusion  to  any  control  by  the  Parliament  over  the  American 
dominions,  and  the  only  tie  among  the  different  national  bodies  poli- 
tic was  the  Crown.  The  two  systems  were  characterized  with  royal 
control  of  American  legislation  or  adminitration,  or  both,  in  large  or 
small  degrees.  Again,  throughout  the  projects  of  either  system  we 
notice  provisions  for  a general  legislature  for  America  at  large. 

Some  plans  stipulated  the  royal  appointment  of  a Lord  lieutenant  or 
the  like,  and  the  high  executive  and  judicial  officers,  which  would 
assure  the  Grown  a great  deal  of  administrative  control.  To  be  brief, 
the  kernel  of  the  schemes  of  imperial  reorganization  examined  in  this 
chapter  was  in  the  union  of  America  and  Britain  mainly  or  solely  by 

means  of  the  royal  bond. 

- - - - - - 

Parliamentary  taxation  and  trade  regulation  was  to  be 
but  the  same  in  reality. 


^-»r  ' * '‘ 

‘jci't  ,{d  da»  ^niiiijWKai«^n#l  lo  aiXcl^iA  io  .ijiH 

t ‘.’  \ =:i‘-'‘V:  . ’,i  ■ 'i 

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Chapter  IV 

Projects  for  a Commonwealth  of  Nations 

Occasionally  the  projects  of  representation  and  of 
colonial  autonomy  seemed  to  be  inspired  by  dreams  of  imperial  re- 
construction; but  in  time  both  of  them,  damaged  by  severe  criticism, 
were  swept  before  the  rising  tide  of  sentiment  for  real  and  personal 
unions.  The  schemes  for  real  and  personal  unions  in  their  turn 
gave  place  to  projects  for  a commonwealth  of  nations.  Projects  of 
this  last  order  are  of  three  kinds,  calling  respectively  for  (1) 
a supreme  council  or  reciprocal  deputation,  (2)  a dual  or  separate 
parliament,  and  (3)  an  Anglo-American  or  American-Bur opean  con- 
federation. 

The  first  of  the  three  kinds  is  based  on  either  a supreme 
council  or  reciprocal  deputation  by  both  America  and  Britain.  It 
resembles  the  recent  imperial  conferences  as  giving  opportunity  for 
the  representatives  of  the  different  parts  of  the  empire  to  confer 
on  certain  general  affairs  of  common  interest.  Such  a plan  for 
imperial  reconstruction  was  submitted  to  consideration  by  the 
author  of  "A  Plan  for  conciliating  the  Jarring  Political  Interests 
of  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies”  in  1775.  The  substance  of  this 
plan  is  that  the  Board  of  Trade  and  Plantation  be  converted  into  a 
Supreme  Council  of  Colonies  and  Commerce,  to  which  a certain  limited 
deputation  shall  be  sent  from  both  houses  of  Parliament,  and 

1 

representatives  from  the  Colonies  and  West  Indies  be  admitted. 

Again,  in  the  same  year  Sir  Robert  Harris  presented  his  plan  which 

1 

Critical  Review,  XXZIZ  (1776),  74. 


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-71- 

is  essentially  the  same  with  the  one  just  described.  In  this 

scheme,  however,  it  is  expressly  provided  that  there  shall  be 

chosen  by  ballot  by  the  Assemblies  in  North  America  and  West  Indies 

a certain  number  of  members  to  represent  them  in  the  Supreme  Goun- 
2 

oil. 

These  two  projects,  proffering  a distinctly  original 
measure  of  reform,  are  certainly  v/orthy  of  consideration  on  the 
part  of  students  of  colonial  problems.  Apart  from  them  are  schemes 
which  are  founded  on  the  basis  of  reciprocal  representation  of 
each  dominion  in  the  other’s  legislature.  This  is  certainly  re- 
volutionary in  that  it  virtually  establishes  in  the  British  empire 
distinct  political  entities  of  equal  authority.  Such  constitutions, 
it  is  evident,  are  not  likely  to  be  presented  unless  situations  are 
very  critical.  But  such  a crisis  was  at  hand.  News  of  the  Battle 
of  Saratoga  reached  England  in  November  of  1777.  Parliament  met 
on  January  20,  1778,  after  the  Christmas  recess.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  treaty  of  alliance  between  America  and  Prance  was  signed 
February  6,  in  the  same  year,  bringing  a great  sea  power  into 
hostility  with  England.  Eleven  days  later  Lord  North  presented  to 
Parliament  his  long-promised  bills  for  conciliating  America.  They 

passed,  and  granted  practically  everything  to  America  except 
3 

independence.  It  was  provided  that  the  King  should  appoint  five 
commissioners  "to  treat,  consult,  and  agree  with  any  body  or  bodies 

2 

Gentleman’s  Magazine,  XLV  (1775),  369. 

3 

David  Hartley,  Letters  On  the  American  War , 53-54; 
Gentleman’s  liLagazine  (Feb.,  1778),  51;  W.E.S. Taylor  and  J.H. Prince, 
Chatham  Correspondence,  IV,  507-508;  History  of  Great  Britain  during 
North.  Pt.  2,  297. 


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-72- 

politic  and  corporate,  or  with  any  assembly,  or  assemblies  of  men, 

or  with  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  of  and  concerning  the 

power  and  authority  of  the  King  and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  over 

the  said  colonies,  and  of  and  concerning  the  independency  of  the 

said  colonies  on  the  Eing  and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  as  the 

4 

case  may  require." 

5 

Under -Secretary  William  Eden,  one  of  the  commissioners 

thus  appointed,  was  very  instrumental  in  working  out  the  peace 

terms  of  the  commission.  He  asked  himself  a series  of  questions. 

Shall  each  American  province  "be  put  at  the  footing  of  Ireland  in 

regard  to  its  military  force?"  "Shall  the  Oommissioners  be  allowed 

to  consent  in  any  case  to  the  Governors  becoming  elective?"  "Shall 

a general  Congress  be  legalized  and  perpetuated?  Shall  any  share 

of  Representation  in  the  House  of  Oommons  be  given,  and  plans  be 

arranged  to  put  the  Idea  into  a practical  shape?  YiThat  shall  be 

granted  or  conceded  as  to  the  future  Nomination  of  Executive, 

6 

judicial,  military  and  finance  officials?" 

Arriving  in  America  in  early  June,  1778,  the  Oommission, 
of  which  Earl  Carlisle  was  the  head,  promptly  presented  to  President 
Laurens  of  the  Congress  entirely  different  terms  of  peace.  In  his 
Majesty’s  name,  they  proposed  that  "The  most  unrestrained  freedom 

4 

Hartley,  op.  pit. , 54. 

6 

Wm.  Eden,  1st  Lord  Auckland, became  Under -Secretary  of 
State  for  the  Northern  Department  in  1771;  in  1776,  a member  of  the 
Board  of  Trade;  in  1780  Chief  Secretary  in  Ireland;  in  1785  Ambas- 
sador to  Prance. 

6 

Stevens*  Facsimiles , IV,  Nos.  4-5. 


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-73- 

should  be  given  to  the  American  trade;  that  no  military  force 
shotild  be  maintained  in  any  part  of  America,  without  the  consent 
of  a General  Congress  or  of  the  Provincial  Assemblies;  they  offered 
to  concur  in  measures  which  mi^t  tend  to  discharge  the  debt  con- 
tracted by  Congress,  and  which  might  in  the  mean  time,  raise  the 
credit  and  value  of  the  paper  circulation;  that  union  thus  restored 
should  be  perpetuated  by  a reciprocal  deputation  of  agents  from 
the  respective  States,  who  should  have  the  privilege  of  a seat  and 
voice  in  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain;  or  if  such  agents  were 
sent  from  Britain,  that  they  should  have  a seat  and  voice  in  the 

assemblies  of  the  different  States  to  which  they  might  be  respective- 
7 

ly  deputed." 

The  conditions  now  offered  were  so  ample  that  they 
seemed  to  reserve  nothing  to  the  mother  country  but  the  mere 
shadow  of  an  authority  over  her  colonies;  not  to  put  an  end  to  the 
declared  and  avowed  independence  of  America,  but  to  legalize  to 
that  country  actual  independence.  "We  sent  out,"  said  the  rhetoric- 
al Burke,  "a  solemn  embassy  across  the  Atlantic,  to  lay  the  Crown, 
the  Peerage,  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain  at  the  feet  of  the 

American  Congress."  The  Congress,  however,  was  determined  before- 

8 

hand  not  to  listen  to  any  terms  whatsoever,  and  therefore  the 
ardent  efforts  of  the  British  Commission  failed;  it  sailed  for  home 

7 

History  of  Great  Bri tain  dur ing  North  . pt.  2,  325; 

John  Berkenhout,  Lucubrations  on  Ways  and'lleans,  68. 

8 

John  Adams,  Works,  VII,  307;  Hart,  Contemporaries,  II, 

586-687. 


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-74- 


9 

on  NovemlDer  23,  1778. 

While  the  returning  commissioners  were  still  in  mid-At- 
lantic, there  was  being  printed  in  London  a pamphlet,  which  pur- 
ported to  propose  a similar  plan  to  that  of  the  Carlisle  Commission. 
This  was  a work  of  a member  of  Parliament,  entitled  "An  Examination 
into  the  Conduct  of  the  Present  Administration....  And  a Plan  of 
Accommodation  with  America."  The  immediate  motive  of  writing  this 
pamphlet  was  probably  to  avert  the  Franco -American  alliance.  Thus, 
as  a preliminary  step  to  settle  the  American  trouble,  the  honourable 

member  of  Parliament  argued  that  "We  ought  to  remove  our  troops, 

10 

from  every  part  of  America"  with  certain  exceptions.  Thereupon, 

he  said,  England  would  at  the  same  time  withdraw  the  Commission 

(it  was  known  to  the  writer  that  the  Commission  was  on  the  way 

11 

home),  and  declare  immediately  the  cessation  of  hostilities.  After 
thus  relinquishing  America,  the  writer  urged  that  Britain  apply 
her  whole  strength  and  resources  against  France,  v/ho  will  be  com- 
pelled "in  a short  time  to  the  necessity  of  signing  our  peace." 

12 

America,  her  position  then  reversed,  would  surely  abandon  France. 

With  these  premises  the  writer  proceeded  to  propose  his 
scheme  of  reorganization  of  the  empire.  "The  only  question  that  re- 
mains," he  said,  "is  with  respect  to  a nominal  dependence.  If 


9 

Stevens*  Facsimiles,  IV,  No.  105, 

10 

The  exceptions  are  Halifax,  Quebec,  and  St.  Augustine, 
for  they  are  excellent  strategic,  fishing,  and  commercial  points. 
Examination,  etc.,  50. 

IT 

Examination,  50-51. 

12 

Ibid.,  51-54. 


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-75- 

America  then  should  offer  to  come  into  such  terms  as  would  avoid 

a total  separation,  and  a constant  and  reciprocal  support  between 

the  two  countries,  so  that  the  strength  of  the  one  country,  should 

he  the  strength  of  the  other,  and  their  interests  so  closely  united, 

that  nothing  would  separate  them,  I would  give  up  the  nominal 

dependency  to  procure  such  an  union.  Taxation  nobody  thinks  of; 

and  the  article  of  altering  their  Government  they  themselves  have 

13 

established,  provided  they  agree  to  the  union  of  interests." 

According  to  this  project,  British  America  was  to  have 

complete  self-government  with  the  Gongress  as  the  sovereign 

authority  clothed  with  ample  pov/ers,  although  the  British  Grown  was 

to  retain  the  prerogative  of  declaring  war  and  peace.  Furthermore, 

the  Gongress  was  to  control  the  internal  defence  or  such  army  and 

navy  as  was  necessary  for  the  defence  of  America,  and  to  appoint 

14 

every  civil  and  military  officer.  Another,  and  probably  the  most 

significant  feature  of  the  new  plan,  however,  consisted  in  a 
provision  that  "a  Council,  or  Agents,  ought  to  be  appointed  by  the 
King  to  reside  in  America,  to  take  care  of  the  interests  of  this 
country  in  America;  and  in  the  same  manner,  a Gouncil,  or  Agents, 
ought  to  be  appointed  by  the  King  to  reside  in  America,  to  take 
care  of  the  interests  of  this  country  in  America;  and  in  the  same 
manner,  a Gouncil,  or  Agents,  should  be  appointed  by  the  Gongress 
to  reside  in  Great  Britain,  to  take  care  of  the  interests  of  America 
here,  with  competent  salaries,  appointed  by  their  respective 

13 

Examination,  54. 

14 

Ibid. , 55. 


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-76- 

oonntries, ” 

By  this  means,  he  oommented,  the  strength  of  Great 

Britain  would  hecome  the  strength  of  America,  and  the  strength  of 

America  that  of  Great  Britain.  Therefore,  he  continued,  "that 

dread  and  terror,  which  constantly  hangs  over  my  mind,  that  America 

is  to  ruin  us  by  drawing  away  our  people,  getting  possession  of  the 

West-Indies,  Newfoundland,  and  Quebec,  and  becoming  more  powerful 

than  us  at  sea,  would  be  in  a great  measure,  if  not  entirely,  re- 
15 

moved • " 

Furthermore,  there  was  a provision  that  the  natives  of 

each  country  should  be  treated  as  natives  of  the  other,  and  that 

they  should  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of  the  subjects  of  the  other. 

Again,  the  ports  of  the  one  nation  should  be  reciprocally  open  to 
16 

the  other.  Even  in  the  light  of  the  present  day  regulation  of 
citizenship  and  commerce,  the  provisions  here  examined  show 
liberality. 

The  "reciprocal  deputation  of  agents"  proposed  in  June, 
1778,  by  the  Carlisle  Oommission,  it  may  be  recalled,  nov/  appeared 
as  one  of  the  most  important  features  of  this  new  constitution. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  both  of  these  schemes  intended  to 
"legalize"  the  existing  Congress,  and  provided  a system  of  "reci- 
procal deputation"  as  the  connecting  link  of  both  countries.  Again, 
the  two  plans  recognized  a complete  self-government  of  America  with 
a mere  reservation  of  external  sovereignty  to  the  British  Crown, 


16 

] 

16' 


Examination.  56. 
Ibid.,  54-56. 


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-77- 

even  allowing  the  Americans  to  maintain  an  army  and  navy  for 
internal  defence.  In  a way  they  resemble  the  constitution  of  the 
Irish  Free  State  ratified  on  January  7,  192E.  In  respect  to 
maintenance  of  internal  defence  and  imperial  reservation  of  ex- 
ternal sovereignty,  they  are  all  alike. 

Leaving  the  first  category,  we  now  turn  to  the  second, 
which  consists  in  the  schemes  of  dual  or  separate  Parliaments,  The 
first  part  of  the  category  in  question  includes  plans  of  imperial 
reorganization  where  the  British  Parliament  is  considered  as  one 
national  as  well  as  imperial,  "The  parliament  of  Great  Britain," 
said  Burke  in  a speech  elsewhere  quoted,  "sits  at  the  head  of  her 
extensive  empire  in  two  capacities;  one  as  the  local  legislature 
of  this  island....  The  other,  and  I think  her  nobler  capacity,  is 
what  I call  her  imper ial  character ; in  which,  as  from  the  throne  of 
heaven,  she  superintends  all  the  several  inferior  legislatures,  and 
guides  and  controls  them  all,  without  annihilating  any.  As  all 
these  provincial  legislatures  are  only  co-ordinate  with  each  other, 
they  ought  to  be  subordinate  to  her;  else  they  can  neither  preserve 

mutual  peace,  nor  hope  for  mutual  justice,  nor  effectually  afford 

17 

mutual  assistance."  This  is  a theory  held  not  only  by  Burke,  but 
also  by  many  who  have  worked  out  or  reflected  on  imperial  recon- 
struction on  the  assumption  that  the  British  Parliament  has  dual 

capacities — national  and  imperial.  Among  those  who  proposed  such 

18 

projects  as  this  were  the  author  of  "Occasional  Letters"  and 

17 

Edmund  Burke,  Selections.  116. 

18 

The  part  concerned  here  in  the  "Occasional  Letters"  was 
written  during  1778-1780,  and  its  author  styled  himself  as  an  "In- 
dependent Man." 


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-78- 

Thomas  Wyoliffe,  who  wrote  "On  Government." 

Being  still  hopeful  of  America *s  return  to  the  old  al- 
legiance, the  author  of  the  "Occasional  letters"  proposed  an  imme- 
diate appointment  of  commissioners  hy  Ireland,  Britain,  and  America 

19 

to  settle  all  the  differences  hy  stipulating  terms  of  a union. 

The  three  nations,  he  urged,  should  form  one  people  and  one  empire 

under  one  Grown  "for  defence  and  offence,  hut  each  People  distinct 

20 

as  far  as  concerns  their  separate  interests."  Therefore,  he  con- 
tinued, "the  Colonies  and  our  Sister  Island  (=Ireland)  ought  to  he 
subject  to  our  ( sBritish)  Parliament,  especially  when  it  cannot  he 
made  appear  to  he  either  their  own  interest,  or  to  that  of  the 
community  at  large,  that  such  a system  should  continue  to  exist  for 
the  future."  He  made  it  clear  that  he  would  desire,  not  a union 
blending  their  legislatures  with  Parliament;  hut  rather  the  unity 
of  the  monarchy,  leaving  each  country  free  to  regulate  its  own 

commerce,  hut  solemnly  engaging  it  to  furnish  aids  towards  the  sup- 

21 

port  of  the  executive  power  in  every  exigency. 

Thus,  it  is  clear  from  what  had  been  here  proposed  that 
the  British  Parliament  was  at  once  that  of  the  British  national  and 
imperial  body  politic  without  any  change  of  composition.  Theoretic- 
ally, there  were  to  exist  three  national  Parliaments  in  the  commun- 
ity laiown  as  the  British  empire,  while  there  was  to  he  one  imperial 
Parliament  at  the  summit  of  the  imperial  entity.  However,  one  of 

19 

Occasional  Letters,  76. 

20 

Ibid.,  10,  76,  44,  76n,  12. 

21 

Ibid.,  76n,  44,  iv. 


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-79- 

the  three  national  Parliaments  was  to  become  at  the  same  time  the 
imperial  Parliament.  The  same  in  principle  and  yet  more  elaborate 
was  the  "heads  of  an  imperial  magna  carta"  presented  in  1779  by 
Thomas  Wycliffe  of  Liverpool  in  his  excellent  treatise  "On  Govern- 
ment . " 

Applying  a searching  test  to  the  imperial  constitution 

then  in  operation,  Wyoliffe  observed  that  it  was  a want  of  a better 

system  of  imperial  government  than  the  present  system,  which  had 

been  the  cause  of  this  unhappy  dispute.  Therefore,  "the  reunion 

on  this  wretched  constitution,"  he  argued,  would  not  stand  the  test 

2E 

of  existence,  and  then  it  must  be  erected  upon  a new  basis*  It 

was  for  this  reason  that  Wycliffe  drafted  what  he  called  the  "heads 

of  imperial  magna  carta,"  which  consisted  of  nine  articles.  In  the 

first  place,  "it  was  provided  that  the  Eing,  Lords,  and  Oommons 

of  Great  Britain,  who  jointly  constitute  the  Government  of  "the 

British  Realm,"  were  to  be  made  at  once  the  Emperor,  the  Upper 

Senate,  and  Lower  Senate  of  the  British  empire,  who  jointly  consti- 

23 

tute  the  Government  of  "the  Imperial  Realm." 

In  Article  VI  of  the  "imperial  magna  carta,"  it  was 
stipulated  that  the  three  estates  of  the  British  Government  to 

bind  and  oblige  themselves  at  all  times  to  defend  and  support  the 
imperial  government  "with  money,  fleets,  armies,  or  any  other 

22 

Thomas  Wyoliffe,  On  Government.  46. 

23 

V/ycliffe  considers  that  Great  Britain  and  her  Zing 
are  well  qualified  to  wear  the  imperial  honours.  Of.  Ibid.,  43-44; 
see  also.  Ibid. , 48  et  seq.  (Articles,  I,  II,  III.) 


■ ' “i  V- •:.;;V.;r-V 


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( . L'  "■>  , IX  . , •^,d:."r:.;d*r../  • 4 '!>./«  X^.'  • * 'iJ-S:J\  • ^ 


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i 1. 


-80- 

assistance"  necessary  and  proper  for  the  defence  and  support  of  all 

24 

the  hranches  of  the  empire.  Again,  Article  VII  provided  that  the 
three  estates  of  the  imperial  government,  in  consideration  of  this 
support,  do  bind  and  oblige  themselves,  and  their  respective  suc- 
cessors, always  to  be  accountable  to  the  British  Grovernment,  for  all 
the  tribute-money,  or  emoluments  of  any  sort  or  kind,  that  they  may, 
at  any  time,  receive  from  any  of  the  branches  of  the  empire.  The 
same  principle  is  applied  to  the  American  nation  which,  like  Great 
Britain,  is  to  pay  as  a nation  such  a tribute  to  the  Emperor  as 
shall  be  agreed  upon. 

Commenting  on  the  point  in  question,  V/ycliffe  remarked 
at  length:  "The  first  thing  necessary  for  the  safety  of  the  empire 
is  to  destroy  the  powers  of  all  its  branches,  leaving  no  power  but 
that  kingdom,  which  is  the  seat  of  the  empire;  for,  if  all  the  dif- 
ferent kingdoms  of  the  empire  are  allowed  power .. .they  will  most 
certainly  unite  that  power  against,  and  if  they  can,  they  will 
destroy  that  kingdom  honoured  with  the  imperial  seat,  in  hopes  of 
obtaining  that  honour  themselves;  therefore,  power  must  not  be  suf- 
fered in  the  branches  of  an  empire,  it  being  utterly  incompatible 
with  the  safety  of  the  whole."  On  the  other  hand,  as  to  the  safety 
of  the  branches  of  the  empire,  he  added,  the  emperor  would  be  ob- 
liged by  treaties  to  defend  them  against  all  insults  at  sea,  and 

the  same  treaties  would  allow  them  a sufficient  strength  to  defend 
25 

them  on  land.  Because  of  the  very  geographical  nature  of  the 

24 

Wycliffe,  pp.  cit . , 49-50. 

25 

Ibid.,  22-24. 


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-81- 


empire,  the  navy  was  to  he  entirely  imperial,  and  a land  force  of 

certain  fixed  numbers  was  to  be  maintained  by  each  nation  in  the 

26 

great  imperial  commonwealth. 

The  last  two  articles  dealt  with  the  imperial  guarantee  of 

non-interference  in  the  national  affairs  of  each  nation;  no  national 

government  was  to  interfere  with  that  of  another.  Again,  Wyoliffe 

held  that  each  nation  in  the  commonwealth  should  have  ”a  free 

liberty  to  choose  their  own  form  of  government,  and  afterwards  an 

uncontrolled  exercise  of  their  own  civil  government,  and  internal 
27 

polity."  Elaborating  the  point  in  question,  he  observed  that 

whenever  a number  of  distinct  national  States  are  collected  into 

one  imperial  State  under  a free  constitution,  then  the  imperial 

government  can  only  have  a ri^t  to  make  general  laws  respecting 

the  external  government  of  all  the  nations  in  the  empire;  but 

they  can  have  no  right  to  interfere  in  making  particular  laws 

respecting  the  internal  government  of  any  national  State,  or  king- 
28 

dom  whatever.  However,  he  added,  the  imperial  government  has  as 

undoubted  a right  to  give  laws  externally  to  every  nation  in  the 

empire,  and  to  enforce  obedience  to  the  imperial  laws,  as  a national 

government  has  to  give  laws  internally  to  every  subject  in  the  na- 

29 

tion,  and  to  enforce  obedience  to  the  national  laws.  This  theory 
of  national  and  imperial  government,  Wycliffe  endeavored  to  prove  by 


26 

V/ycliffe,  0£.  pit. , 21-^8, 

27 

Ibid.,  26 

28 

Ibid.,  12,  40-43. 

29 

Ibid. , 13. 


. f . j,  *. 


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'’  ij  ■ ,_ 

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- C».»  J,'j.i*C  *•  O rifif”- ^Xo-,  - '0  . : 

c 

• ’■  . • •.:  •,  • ■ ' •■y-l'-t  ' ;••'  XX/i  '* '>?.♦;! : • vo’>'  I • n.«* ”0  ' *■'  A 

'J*  j .' '■  . .■  ; X '‘'t/  ’.olf.';*;  O'v  ' •:  •'  .'I-  ‘‘tTf-o  *' 

f ‘'*'Jci  - i ^ .:  ?-C  ■! .?«?  Xau?!i^  "••'•/  .•■ 

. V : ,, 

1...U-  ^ A ;•• 


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, . m , , I . , I 

r,/'',-;.  .;  ,.r.  <>  '..i  tz-'  J • i 


; -f**-  *!  .vv..-,4  . i ^ V 

1 f.‘  'vrr  ,v;'-  y-'Q\Qrf  Tv^:  - 
V.:.  r . 

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t>  c .■;  b. ' it  t toTc^};  ■■  * 

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^ ...  ... 

— i|i»  *jM  -»- 


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• tLi  /i 


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-82- 

referring  to  the  historical  facts  of  the  Assyrian,  Grecian,  and 
Roman  empires,  which,  he  thoa^t,  had  "been  destroyed  chiefly  on  ac- 
count of  "the  unlawful  practice"...  "distinct  governments  inter- 

30 

fering  with  each  other  in  their  internal  concerns." 

In  regard  to  citizenship  both  national  and  imperial,  a 

careful  distinction  in  legal  status  was  drawn;  though  in  no  respect 

31 

was  there  any  discrimination  or  inequality.  Freedom  of  trade  and 
full  enjoyment  of  wealth  should,  in  his  mind,  he  granted  to  all  the 
imperial  subjects  irrespective  of  their  different  nationality. 
Moreover,  every  nation  in  the  British  commonwealth,  he  urged,  should 
have  "the  same  religious  establishment,  softened  by  the  same  toler- 
ation" as  in  England. 

In  making  a comparative  study  of  the  above  plan  and  that 
in  the  "Occasional  Letters,"  one  can  see  a very  close  analogy.  In 
point  of  the  dual  capacity  of  the  British  Parliament,  the  two 
schemes  are  in  full  accord.  The  Wycliffe  project,  however,  is  si- 
lent upon  the  Irish  Parliament,  which  is  definitely  incorporated  in 
the  other.  As  for  imperial  defence  and  other  general  affairs,  the 
former  is  explicit  as  well  as  definite,  while  the  latter  provides  it 
in  vague  and  general  terms,  although  both  of  them  agree  upon  them  in 
principle.  Viewed  in  the  light  of  the  present  British  imperial 
constitution,  the  two  projects  for  imperial  reconstruction  have 
correctly  anticipated  the  coming  of  the  British  commonwealth  of 

30 

Wycliffe,  Ojo.  cit. , 16. 

31 

Ibid.,  22,  26. 


■■■■•'  ' V"f'^./ 


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t;.-/" 'V  j;.,  ’ . , ,1.- 


• ‘V, 


•'  ^ ' -i''"  ■ \ '■'  ■ tiVi  T r.  1 'C^fl  ;.  ' 

r*^ 


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• ' ' i>  i ' * ' ' • ' 

. ■•  • ‘i'U'i  .i  vVt' UA  'r>::-..'r  .L-  . ocy^sl:.  i. /'i’  ;^"0  ; '• 

Tr  ■•  .••'•Vi  'u  . .;  'i'\3  ••-.• 

f-*  ' ■.*''■  , . ' ' '^ ' 

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' *'  ‘-i’.  " ' 

•'  la  J V'j  ■'.'  ' ' ’ '■-■-  f v.C' 


^ . 


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I? 


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Oiil 


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.A-  r». 


[C'V,^  ,i"  :.'  : ;>r  ilr:!'  ni'  fioom 


rf 


cA-^rq 'tori'.  ’ \.,;.  ■ v’'  ' . '.'  ■:• 


! ■ ; . : .3 A o» :.f  aoq;o_  i ^ 


.^‘.,  Cy  *!■.-;•;  ay  Af/vr.  ^:f.^•  S/:  ' . ^i/xivO  ''(}ii'^ 


;u  no  ir  .;  :iy  ^*1.7  ' '•  f T«w  • 6-,  -.ij. 

i.  .,  ■ ..  o.oc;  ■■  • . y i)  'tOi'-oi  i -ft/oi A‘7- .il J'- 

J .:- ,.\  ■•  ■} 'X^i  fit  t6  ; ' '"I  6^“*  ; i >*:  i v . 

rv: ‘i  ^ -xo!!!  tJW-  , fifitjjj  Itf-c.v;  : 

" , ' '•  I 

A'-i  f.:  li’fc;  'A.',',  rr/  f;  :f ' 'J  ‘f- i *f  JT - S' ^ ' :^'T.UC  O Cflll’''  ^ T 1 i .1^  -VCl  X (jA-XlC  li 


I « 

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.s:,  ...3,/.  .O/'Xf 


SH 


V ^ .1 


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t|ii^^i.ii.'.jiiifj>tji.)i  HI 


mz 


-83- 

nations.  Nevertheless,  the  constitution  built  upon  the  theory  of 
a dual  Parliament  is  not  democratio  in  that  it  does  not  allow  a 
formal  voice  to  the  otht.  nations  of  the  empire  except  G-reat  Britain. 
In  order  to  answer  such  a complaint,  there  was  proposed  another  in- 
genious project  called  "A  Plan  of  Pacifi cation  with  America,"  which 
again  consisted  of  nine  articles. 

In  Article  VII  of  this  plan,  there  is  found  a provision 
that  "a  NATICNAI  PAELIAIVIENT  (imperial  in  the  sense  we  have  used)" 
be  constituted  and  held  in  Great  Britain,  composed  of  deputies  from 
the  Gommons  and  House  of  Lords  of  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  Amer- 
ica, with  authority,  to  manage  and  regulate  (subject  to  the  negative 
of  the  Crown)  THE  GENERAL  APPAIRS  AITL  INTERESTS  of  the  EMPIRE, 
leaving  to  the  distant  legislatures  of  each  of  these  great  component 

parts  of  the  State,  the  power  of  taxation  and  regulation  of  its 

3E 

internal  polity."  Like  the  Parliaments  of  Great  Britain  and  of 

Ireland,  the  American  Parliament  was  to  be  con^osed  of  a House  of 

Lords  and  a House  of  Gommons.  Another  feature  of  the  plan  is  found 

in  a provision  for  "a  Viceroy  or  Lord  Lieutenant,  with  a negative 

on  acts  of  the  American  Parliament,"  which  is  not  seen  in  the 

33 

schemes  of  the  dual  parliament  system. 

Apart  from  the  establishment  of  a distinct  and  separate 
imperial  Parliament,  American  lords,  and  a viceroy,  the  present 
plan  is  quite  in  accord  with  the  schemes  of  the  dual  parliament 
system.  The  clauses  relating  to  imperial  and  internal  defence  are 

32 

Ghanning  and  Hart,  American  History  Leaflets,  No.  14,  22, 

33 

Ibid. , 22. 


!» ■ ,7  V y 7 p; 


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-84- 

not  different  from  most  of  those  we  have  thus  far  discussed  in  the 

present  chapter.  Like  the  Wycliffe  plan  this  project  stipulated 

that  a certain  ratio  shall  be  settled  as  to  the  share  of  each 

34 

nation^s  contribution  towards  the  imperial  defence. 

The  separate  imperial  parliament  system,  it  is  noted,  is 
certainly  logical  as  well  as  constitutional.  After  all  this  is 
really  the  synthesis  of  two  ideals — the  dual  parliament  and  American 
representation.  Yet  there  was  no  time  for  the  ingenious  plan  to 

fit 

be  put  into  operation,  nor  is  there  such  constitution  working  at 

A 

present.  Neither  recent  imperial  conferences  nor  imperial  war 

cabinets  are  of  this  kind.  And  the  importance  of  such  a constituticn 

in  the  British  empire  still  lies  in  the  future. 

The  third  and  last  category  of  constitutional  projects  to 

be  examined  here  purported  to  establish  a confederation  of  one  kind 

or  another  upon  the  ruins  of  the  empire  already  breaking  down. 

These  schemes,  it  is  true,  were  quite  different  from  those  above 

discussed  in  that  the  former  recognized  the  legal  and  constitutional 

independence  of  each  nation  in  the  empire,  while  the  latter  did  not. 

35 

One  of  the  first  of  such  proposals  was  made  by  John  Cartwright 
in  1775,  when  he  published  his  "Letters  on  American  Independence." 


34 

Ohanning  and  Hart,  American  History  Leaflets,  No.  14,  22 

35 

John  Oartwright  (1740-1824)  was  a brother  of  G-eorge 
Cartwright  (1739-1819),  and  was  an  officer  in  the  British  Navy.  He 
spent  some  time  in  America  previous  to  the  Revolution,  and  during 
the  Revolution  he  refused  to  fi^t  against  America.  Like  Tooke 
and  Hardy,  Oartwright  was  also  a zealous  advocate  of  Parliamentary 
reform  and  universal  suffrage. 


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' ' ' '■'"p  ' ■ ' *V  ‘ 

I ^ ti'-; ; ' . . •.;c  v*>  0 " ; •:■•.' ; :•  zi;  Jo'JXi  i ©.tt  c-r  • 

i ’ . '.•;  't  ■ -u; -. -v  ao  -tcTc- . ..'■  2i/{'  IJ©vx''» iXx«_.ttr  .</f  . . ' ;■  ,5^yi  r- ' 


• *'  £••••  >.:.v  - .u.jrek  to.'  . ,^x;y  *■■  ‘ 

>..■  -:.  •■• ' U‘-/uvi  ’-xtoo'''*  •ss.wli'  » 


-85- 


To  Cartwright "profound  constitutional  knowledge,"  the 

Anglo-American  union  either  by  representation  advanced  by  Bermard 

or  by  the  dual  parliament  system  expounded  by  Burke  seemed  to  be 

36 

"the  basest  of  insidious  designs."  "America  cannot,"  he  said, 
"according  to  my  ideas  of  justice  or  freedom,  be  laid  under  restric- 
tions of  any  kind,  for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  and  aggrandizing 
the  state  or  legislature  of  Great  Britain,  except  with  her  free  will 

and  consent  independently  and  voluntarily  given  by  express  stipnla- 

37 

tion  and  contract."  "In  fact,"  he  continued,  "it  remains  for 
Great  Britain  to  choose  whether  by  acting  the  deaf,  hau^ty  tyrant, 
she  will  stick  herself  into  poverty  and  contempt,  or,  by  a conduct 

worthy  herself  and  her  boasted  knowledge,  and  love  of  freedom,  she 

% 

shall  render  herself,  not  only  the  all  powerful  guarantee  of  the 

independence,  and  monopolizer  of  the  trade  of  America,  but  at  the 

38 

same  time  the  dreaded,  the  dictatorial  arbiter  of  Europe.," 

Thereupon,  he  entered  upon  his  main  theme,  and  demanded 

the  immediate  declaration  not  only  of  the  thirteen  Continental 

colonies,  but  also  of  East  and  West  Eloridas,  Bova  Scotia,  St. 

Johns  Island,  and  Quebec,  as  "each  of  them  to  be  henceforth  held 

to  be  free  and  independent  States,  owing  no  obedience  or  subjection 

39 

whatsoever  to  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain."  Thereby,  Cart- 


36 

John  Cartwright,  Letters  on  American  Independence,  11. 
Cf.  Sir  Francis  Bernard,  Select  Letters,  34-40. 

37 

Ibid.,  72. 

38 

Ibid.,  72. 

39 

Ibid. , 35. 


-86- 

wright  wished  to  establish  what  he  called  the  "Grand  British  League 
and  CJonf ederacy, " which  in  nature  was  a confederation  pure  and  simple 
of  Great  Britain  and  these  newly  created  ei^teen  "free  and  inde- 
pendent States,"  althou^  Great  Britain  was  to  assume  povi/ers  similar 
to  those  of  a protecting  State  over  an  international  protectorate. 
"Would  it  not  be  reasonable  for  the  British  American  States,"  he 
asked,  "as  in  a manner  political  wards  of  Great  Britain  and  relying 
wholly  on  her  for  external  pr otecti on, totally  incapaci  tat e them- 
selves for  entering  into  any  treaties  or  alliances  with  any  foreign 

40 

powers  whatsoever?"  As  a means  to  reaching  this  object,  he  pro- 
posed the  organization  of  a grand  Continental  Congress,  to  which 
each  of  the  eighteen  States  should  send  one  delegate,  and  which 
should  never  assemble  but  upon  the  summons  of  the  Briti^  Ambassa- 
dor-General. The  business  of  this  congress,  he  thought,  should  only 
be  to  deliberate  "peace,  war,  and  such  other  occasional  matters  as 
might  be  of  general  consignment."  To  the  government  of  each  American 

State,  he  added,  a resident  consul  should  be  stationed  for  the  ease 

41 

of  the  business  of  the  British  Ambassador -General. 

42 

In  regard  to  the  measures  of  defence,  Cartwright  argued 
that  no  fortifications  should  be  built  for  either  external  or  in- 


40 

John  Cartwright,  Letters  on  American  Independence,  11. 

Cf.  Sir  Francis  Bernard,  Select  Letters,  40. 

41 

Again,  he  proposes  that  subordinate  courts  of  British  ad- 
miralty mi^t  be  permitted  the  various  American  states.  This,  it  is 
evident,  resembles  the  establishment  of  consular  jurisdiction  in  a 
certain  sense. 

42 

In  this  connection  mention  must  be  made  of  a clause  re- 
garding a war  embarked  in  by  the  American  States.  In  case  an  Amer- 
ican State  goes  to  war  in  contempt  of  the  British  Ambassador -General, 
the  British  admiral  stationed  in  America  is  to  seize  all  ships  and 


f 


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-88- 

fine  anew  the  boundaries  of  the  eighteen  new  States  in  order  to 

maintain  their  balance  of  powers.  Another  provision  stated  that  a 

new  State  would  be  created  out  of  a territory  having  a population  of 

50,000  and  capable  of  political  independence,  provided  it  aclaiowledg- 

ed  the  ling  of  Great  Britain  as  its  lawful  sovereign,  adopted  the 

Protestant  faith  as  the  established  religion,  and  consented  to  be  a 

party  to  the  League  and  Confederacy.  However,  until  its  admission 

to  the  confederation,  such  a territory  was  to  be  subject  to  the 

46 

British  government.  Thus,  from  what  has  been  said,  it  is  very 
evident  that  Great  Britain  was  to  assume  a sort  of  guardianship 
over  a chain  of  States  in  the  Western  hemisphere. 

This  is  almost  identical  with  the  German  Confederation 
(1815-1866).  There  the  collective  will  of  the  member  states  was 
expressed  throu^  a diet  of  plenipotentiaries  which  sat  at  Frankfort 
under  the  presidency  of  Austria.  Here  the  collective  will  of  the 
member  states  was  to  be  expressed  through  the  Grand  Continental 
Congress  of  delegates  under  the  leadership  of  Great  Britain,  who 
took  a large  share  of  responsibility  to  defend  and  protect  the 
other  eighteen  member  states  of  the  Anglo-American  confederation. 

Quite  like  Cartwright's  plan  of  confederation  was  one 
proposed  in  1780  by  the  unknown  author  of  ”An  Essay  on  the  Interest 

46 

Cartwri^t,  ojg.  cit. , 41  (Art.  XI). 


'I' 


'\ik  i!. 


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I' 


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•it  •*  l'0-5  ''|'r  i ' ? 


• h\'Xk>'^ . ■ ' ‘'C' 

N ' ' 1^  ' 

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V.c. 4 -it.; i'-.  -•>.*:  *'i  tX';-:.-  “T"  •>  'is:  0. 

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n 


v-  V 


of  Great  Britain.”  The  new  scheme  was  simpler  than  the  one  above 

noted.  Its  first  article  stated  that  the  British  empire,  eastern 

as  well  as  western,  should  be  comprised  of  one  people,  imitually 

entitled  to  all  liberties,  immunities,  and  privileges  whatsoever. 

The  western  British  empire  or  America  was  to  he  divided  into  four 

governments  of  Canada,  Hew  England,  Virginia,  and  Florida.  According 

to  the  third  article,  the  British  constitution  should  be  the  basis 

of  the  constitutions  of  all  these  nations,  and  should  be  in  every 

respect  conformable  to  it,  except  where  by  the  act  of  confederaticn 

declared  to  differ;  to  consist,  like  ours,  of  the  King,  Lords,  and 

Commons.  Each  State,  it  was  proposed  again,  was  to  make  such  laws 

48 

as  it  thought  proper  for  its  internal  government.  A war  entered 
into  on  account  of  one  State,  declared  Article  V,  shall  be  con- 
sidered as  the  cause  of  the  whole  and  prosecuted  accordin^y.  The 
contingepts  of  tbe  ^differeatrstatesw stall  be  fixed  by  a proper  valua- 
tion. Another  provision  stated  that  the  grant  of  free  trade  and 
preferential  privileges  should  be  made  for  Great  Britain,  while 
fifteen  per  cent,  discriminatory  duty  should  be  laid  upon  foreign 
goods.  By  the  last  two  articles,  "any  accession  made  to  the  con- 


47 

Another  confederation  was  contemplated  in  a pamphlet 
called  "Renovation  without  Violence  yet  possible.”  London,  1780. 
Here  the  British  America,  West  Indies,  and  Ireland  were  to  form 
"One  body  of  Confederate  States."  Cf.  Monthly  Review  (Feb.  1780), 
166. 

48 

Essay  on  the  Interest  of  Great  Britain,  21  (Art.  IV) . 
However,  it  adds,  such  laws  should  not  be  inconsistent  with  a 
free  representation,  habeas  corpus,  jury  trial,  and  a free  tolera- 
tion of  religion. 


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-90- 

federacy  by  conquest  or  consent"  is  to  be  formed  into  a new  State 

or  States,  and  to  be  put  under  the  same  form  of  government,  and  re- 

49 

ceived  as  another  member  of  the  An^o-American  confederation. 

Qontrasted  with  the  Cartwright  plan,  this  scheme  lacked  a 

common  organ  of  government  and  an  explicit  clause  as  to  the  positicn 

of  Great  Britain  in  the  confederation.  It  is  true  that  there  was 

some  hint  on  this  point  where  it  was  said  that  "Our  (British) 

executive  power  is  a sufficient  bond  of  union  for  the  greatest  and 

50 

almost  distant  nations."  Therefore,  it  is  hardly  too  much  to  say 
that  our  author  intended  to  let  Britain  lead  the  proposed  Anglo- 
American  confederation.  Again,  contrasted  with  Wycliffe*s  project, 
the  present  plan  is  different  in  that  the  former  allov/ed  "a  free 
liberty  to  choose  their  own  form  of  government,"  while  the  latter 
required  each  American  State  to  form  a government  consisting  "of 
the  King,  Lords,  and  Commons."  Like  Cartwright's  scheme,  the  new 
one  had  a provision  concerning  new  territories  and  their  admission 
as  new  states  upon  certain  conditions.  Taking  all  these  into  con- 
sideration, one  might  well  suppose  a league  of  states,  having  each 
the  same  form  of  government,  as  states  in  the  American  Federal 
Union,  and  v/here  each  state  is  equal  to  any  other. 

The  same  in  principle,  but  different  in  scope  of  con- 

49 

Essay  on  the  Interest  of  Great  Britain,  23  (Art.  VIII). 

50 

Ibid. , 12. 


‘i  **•  >'  ’-.I  ■ y^<’  Ov ..  It  ? ^ 


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(jeBiBv''''  ■ ■•c»;.va^r  ■ ’■‘v- 

a /?«Lt,#^  »J  ■ =? 


-91- 

federation,  was  a scheme  brought  out  by  a noted  Scotch  economist, 

51 

Dr.  James  Anderson.  This  proposal  begins  with  arguments  against 

absolute  American  independency,  the  demand  for  which  he  compared  to 

that  of  "an  ignorant  child"  expressing  "the  great  desire  to  handle 

52 

edged  tools,  or  to  walk  upon  a precipice."  Were  they,  asserted 
the  economist,  to  be  entirely  independent,  and  left  to  struggle  with 
the  wide  world  as  well  as  to  settle  those  internal  disputes,  they 
would  quickly  be  obliged  to  apply  to  some  sovereign  power  for  as- 
sistance. To  avoid  all  these  evils  and  to  obtain  the  blessings, 
argued  Anderson,  nothing  seemed  more  necessary  than  to  lay  open  the 
trade  to  America  to  all  the  maritime  powers  in  Europe.  In  return 
for  this  favor,  the  maritime  pov/ers  of  Europe  were  to  become  guaran- 
tees of  the  articles  of  a convention  in  so  far  as  they  regarded 

America.  Believing  that  the  advautages '"of  such' a plan  would  be 
53 

great  , Anderson  submitted  his  "Outlines  of  a General  Pacification" 
which  was  to  be  the  fundamental  law  of  a new  Ameri  can -European  con- 
federacy. The  "Outlines"  consisted  of  thirteen  articles,  antf- of 
these  five  are  concerned  with  war,  disputes,  and  non-interference; 
four  with  trade;  and  the  rest  with  territorial  jurisdiction,  and 


51 

James  Anderson  (1739-1808),  LL.D.,  was  a practical  far- 
mer and  an  author  of  many  works  on  rural  economy  and  was  the  first 
propounder  of  the  theory  of  rent.  Here  we  are  concerned  with  his 
book  on  "The  Interest  of  Great  Britain,  with  regard  to  her  American 
Colonies  considered;...  a plan  for  a general  Pacification."  London, 
1782.  This  book  was  written  by  December,  1781. 

52 

J.  Anderson,  Interest  of  Great  Britain.  15-17. 

53 

Anderson,  0£.  cit. , 17. 


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-9  2- 

Other  minor  affairs. 

V/ith  regard  to  the  territorial  jurisdiction  and  division 
of  America,  Article  VI  stipulated; 

"To  Great  Britain  shall  belong  Florida,  east  and 
west,  Georgia,  Carolina,  the  tovm  of  Nev/  York  with  Long 
Island  and  Staten  Islands,  and  the  county  of  Nev/  York, 
properly  so  called  (if  it  shall  be  thought  worth  while 
to  keep  them)  Hova  Scotia,  with  its  dependencies;  Canada, 
with  its  dependencies;  Terra  de  Labrador,  and  Hudson*s 
Bay,  Newfoundland,  and  all  the  islands  in  the  ViJest  Indies 
that  Britain  possessed  at  the  beginning  of  the  present 
war, --unless  it  shall  be  otherwise  stipulated. 

"To  Spain,  France,  Portugal,  Holland,  and  Denmark, 
the  several  territories  and  islands  they  respectively 
possessed  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  war.  And, 

"To  the  States  of  America,  under  the  regulation  con- 
tained in  this  treaty,  the  provinces  of  Virginia,  Maryland, 
Pennsylvania,  the  Jersys,  that  part  of  New  York  not  re- 
served by  Great  Britain,  and  Nev/  England,  v;ith  all  its 

54 

dependenc i es . . . . " 

Concerning  the  status  of  American  States,  the  plan  went  on  to  say 
that  American  States  or  dominions  "shall  at  all  times  remain  in  the 
state  of  strict  neutrality,  under  the  guarantee  of  this  con- 
federacy.” Consequently,  neither  Buropean  intervention  nor  e.xtension 

54 

Anderson,  0£.  cit . , 19  (Art.  VI). 


V. 


-95- 


55 


of  conflicts  was  to  "be  suffered  in  the  American  sphere. 

As  to  commerce,  he  provided  that  the  trade  to  every  part 

of  America,  including  the  V/est  Indies,  should  be  open  and  equally 

free  to  all  the  powers  who  entered  into  this  confederation  either  as 

privileges  or  as  guarantees;  but  all  others  should  be  wholly  ex- 

56 

eluded  from  it.  All  goods  imported  into  any  part  of  America  after 
certain  weeks  from  the  day  of  signing  of  this  treaty,  by  the  sub- 
jects of  any  of  the  confederate  powers  shall  be  admitted  duty  free, 
and  no  bounties  upon  importation  shall  be  allowed  excepting  always 
consumable  provisions  of  all  kinds.  According  to  the  fourth  article, 
on  goods  exported  from  America  such  duties  may  be  imposed  as  the 
ruling  powers  in  each  district  shall  judge  most  expedient.  As  to 
the  inland  commerce  between  neighbouring  states  in  America,  all  im- 
ports shall  be  free  except  provisions;  and,  on  exports,  no  hi^er 

duty  shall  be  imposed  than  the  same  rate  as  in  the  case  of  exports  by 
57 

sea.  He  provided  also  a regulation  concerning  contraband  goods  in 
case  of  war  in  Europe.  When  any  of  the  confederated  powers  should 
be  at  war  in  Europe,  all  timber  fit  for  shipbuilding,  hemp,  ropes, 
saltpetre  , gunpowder,  instruments  of  war,  and  all  kinds  of  naval 
and  military  stores,  should  be  declared  contraband  commodities,  with 


55 

Anderson,  on.  cit . , appendix,  23.  If  any  member  state  neg- 
lects to  observe  this  rule,  such  power  would  be  excluded  from  the 
Confederacy  and  her  ships  may  be  seized  in  American  waters  by  any 
other  member  as  lawful  prizes. 

56 

Ibid. , appendix,  18.  All  treaties  relating  to  America, 
West  Indies,  etc.,  would  consequently  be  abolished. 

57 

Ibid. , appendix,  19-20. 


-94- 


respect  to  the  belligerent  powers,  and,  as  such,  might  be  legally 
seized  and  confiscated,  when  en  route  to  an  enemy  country.  The 
ship  only,  if  neutral  property,  was  to  be  restored  to  the  owners. 
This  phase  of  the  proposed  constitution  was  probably  the  most  im- 
portant to  the  Scotch  economist  of  the  free  trade  school,  since  he 
was  seeking  not  for  "that  distressing  monopoly",  but  the  actual 
advantages  of  American  trade.  Of  all  the  powers  concerned  in  this 
treaty,  observed  Anderson,  perhaps  the  American  States  would  find 
their  situation  the  least  benefited  by  it.  They  would,  he  supposed, 
no  doubt,  strongly  oppose  Article  VII,  which  provided  the  restora- 
tion of  the  loyalist  property. 

Rightly  considered,  the  Anderson  constitution  was  not 
without  many  points  of  wisdom.  Among  these  are  the  stipulations 
in  regard  to  permanent  neutrality  of  America  and  free  trade  to 
American  states,  Nevertheless,  there  were  also  points  decidedly 
disadvantageous  to  American  interests,  such  as  foreign  holdings  of 
strategic  places  and  certain  restrictions  on  American  trade.  As 
for  the  practicability  of  the  plan,  it  may  be  well  doubted.  However 
fair,  wrote  the  Monthly  Review,  "all  this  may  appear  to  the  specu- 
lator in  his  closet,  we  cannot  on  the  review  of  them  avoid  recol- 
lecting, that  it  is  interest  alone  which  establishes  the  rights  of 
government,  and  power  that  maintains  them."  Accordingly,  continued 
the  reviewer,  it  is  natural  to  think  that  right  would  be  totally 
out  of  the  question  in  devising  the  bargain  at  the  negotiation; 

where  each  of  the  contracting  parties  will  insist  on  the  terms  their 

58 

swords  have  carved  out  for  them. 

68 

Monthly  Review  (June,  1782),  422-427. 


V.  VHL 


-J. 


W ' /■. 


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f ft  f»  ^ -Sr- eqo5'^  ^ ^ ^ 


r.--'i..ft-T  ■■ 


-95- 

Before  concluding  this  chapter,  mention  must  be  made  of 
Doctor  Franklin^s  "Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union," 
prepared  on  May  10,  1775.  This  was  a proposal  for  a confederation 
of  American  colonies,  with  express  provisions  for  admitting  Canada, 
Ireland,  and  the  West  Indies,  But  it  wholly  excluded  Great  Britain 
for  reasons  to  be  mentioned  later.  As  machinery  of  government,  the 
project  intended  to  establish  a General  Congress  of  delegates  from 
each  colony,  and  the  Executive  Council  of  twelve  to  be  appointed 
by  the  Congress  for  three  years  from  among  its  members.  The  one 
was,  it  is  noted,  the  supreme  authority  of  the  new  confederate 
government,  and  was  to  be  clothed  with  powers  over  foreign  relations 
including  reconciliation  with  Great  Britain,  trade,  currency,  and 
posts,  and  the  appointment  of  all  the  general  officers,  civil  as 
well  as  military.  The  other  was  during  the  recess  of  Congress"to 
execute  what  shall  have  been  enjoin’d  thereby;  (to)  manage  the 
general  Continental  business  and  Interests;  to  receive  applications 
from  foreign  countries;  (to)  prepare  Matters  for  the  consideration 
of  the  Congress;"  and  to  conduct  some  other  minor  affairs. 

Apart  from  these  there  was  one  notable  clause.  "After 
which  the  Union  thereby  established,"  thus  runs  the  last  article, 

"is  to  continue  firm,  till  the  Terms  of  Reconciliation  proposed  in 
the  Petition  of  the  last  Congress  to  the  King  are  agreed  to;  till 
the  Acts  since  made,  restraining  the  American  Commerce  (and  Fish- 
eries,) are  repealed;  till  Reparation  is  made  for  the  Injury  done 
to  Boston,  by  shutting  up  its  Port,  for  the  Burning  of  Charlestown, 
and  for  the  Bxoence  of  this  unjust  War;  and  till  all  the  British 
Troops  are  withdrawn  from  America.  On  the  Arrival  of  these  Events, 


'V"  ;■ 


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^ T.  '■'■‘■nv 

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r .r^. 


S^’’A  TF'.v»V‘*T^"\’"':  ' ' .' -’'V  '' T. '■<■;; >,v  ; ’.;  ••  ., 


P,»no'\ 


' ' ■■•  ■■  .'''■'  -'  ' ® ”'^i?  * ' 


‘>1 


'•  V si''''  ’ • -■••  '■  •"  yf?X  >--JJ  ■ *t.C^  ?'(Sl^t%  ‘ '•'•<^ 


■*  • ' I _ . ' -I  - ..^-»  . ; i' v»,  ■ .••■1^3^  iiLiCyjrc  '**  - 91 

. .Ki74»?ji>  is'd-ti*  -MJii  aaiii<('^:tt30itm'!>*e-f 


■ ■/  ^ ' '■■  -M.  - ■ -Z''  ■■  ■::'  ,#■ 

H';i^ 'i t Mf.!  •.  IX*  f - JA  j^XOr 

'^‘im  :%■ 


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Wyf-Sh 


Ltt'a.  i-'.'-JWE 


-96- 

the  Oolonies  return  to  their  former  Oonnection  and  Friendship  with 

Britain:  But  on  Failure  thereof,  this  Confederation  is  to  be  per- 
59 

petual.”  Thus,  it  is  evident,  the  Franklin  project  was  an  act  of 
retaliation  and  protest  rather  than  a solution  for  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  the  Britisn  empire.  For  this  reason,  his  plan  was  hardly 
of  the  same  nature  as  those  we  have  thus  far  discussed  at  length. 

This  scheme,  it  is  true,  was  read  before  the  Congress  on  July  21, 
1775,  but  no  action  was  taken.  "Franklin  was  fond  of  planning  con- 
stitutions and  probably  had  no  expectation  of  this  particular 

scheme  meeting  with  general  favor.  At  all  events  he  did  not  press 
60 

it.” 

As  a conclusion  on  the  chapter,  a word  may  be  added  about 
the  significance  of  the  projects  for  commonwealth  of  nations. 

Of  the  first  system  the  schemes  of  a supreme  council  had  its  analogy 
in  recent  British  imperial  conferences.  The  plans  of  reciprocal 
deputation,  it  is  true,  do  not  seem  to  have  been  realized  yet. 

The  first  part  of  the  second  system,  where  the  British  Parliament 
is  to  be  considered  a Parliament  national  as  well  as  imperial,  has 
been  the  living  case  ever  since  the  days  of  Burke  and  his  prede- 
cessors. As  for  the  project  for  a separate  imperial  Parliament,  we 
know  of  no  such  instance  in  English  history.  The  third  S3rstem,  in 
which  a confederation  either  Anglo-American  or  American-Eur opean  was 
speculated,  is  not  very  far  from  being  a mere  castle  in  Spain.  In 

59 

Franklin,  Writings  (Smyth  ed.),  VI,  420-426;  Journal  of 
Continental  Congress,  II,  195-199. 

60 

Ohanning,  A History  of  the  United  States,  III,  447. 


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.'  .-  .-X-  '.  •;:•  :v-:c.t*sVi!.'v.t.  t,-  . 

. “ “■'  ui  <.>^cc:■  M. 


*<  * * 


I.vf^  */  ’ 


r ? 


■ X s\ 

:N-r  -x'.  J.Afe 


■ ■>  ’ 'S  ■'■L”'';‘’X  - ^ .-  - J. 

i , ' Vi  • - • 

• ' » • 

. ■:  ' 


V-'  - :)t) 


-9  7- 

spite  of  the  passing  of  a large  portion  of  the  old  British  America 
from  the  empire,  a larger  commonwealth  of  nations  embracing  one- 
fifth  of  the  earth's  lands  came  into  being  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
and  that  spectacular  body  politic  is  still  enlarging.  Of  course, 
the  several  nations  in  the  British  empire  are  not  legally  indepen- 
dent States  as  projected  in  the  plans  of  a confederation  above  dis- 
cussed, but  for  many  practical  purposes  they  are  treated  as  such. 
Therefore,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  schemes  of  a confeder- 
ation are  realized  so  far  as  practical  situations  are  concerned. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  to  the  realization  of  Anderson's  Ameriean- 
European  confederation,  time  alone  might  tell. 


„ •‘' ' ' .' ' ' ' ' '*'-'‘:f  ; vi|:'"'Sx?5  ■ ■ w’/i 

■■'■?  T ■ . '■  V ; >.''::.2''  F;^./ 


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f M 


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VfJSV'  C 


uiiil  ^ 'S^iW 

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^ii.  .. ' 7r 


vu 

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.:'  .V  -^ ; •■  V.  X 


An  -W»3^r  •'i'^9%*/..- 


tl'iS 


I '.r' Ss'i'  -a-j  : 


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r i' >V*V  ®.^.»fc’A4‘-'y: 


h.  (t*  V ' '^^^4^.'V,  vKvrAi^^Cr.^.  0 ' , , 

)Ksl^:'.  . "l^-v  •' 


Chapter  V. 

The  Problem  of  Imperial  Peconstruc tion  Unsolved 

We  have  nov;  finished  an  extensive  survey  of  proposals  for 
the  reorganization  of  the  British  empire  during  the  American  Revolu- 
tion. The  problem  of  imperial  reorganization  was  by  no  means  easy 
and  simple,  because  of  the  heterogeneous  conditions,  complicated 
relations,  and  jarring  interests  not  only  in  each  political  entity, 
but  also  in  the  empire  at  large.  As  has  been  observed,  that  re- 
fined legal  fiction  of  virtual  representation,  v/hich  was  devised, 
expanded,  and  applied  to  the  American  colonies,  met  crushing  criti- 
cism on  both  sides  of  the  sea.  Chatham’s  dictum  that  it  was  "futile, 
frivolous,  and  groundless"  was  conclusive  enough  of  the  failure  of 
the  theory  itself.  Alongside  with  virtual  representation  went  a 
serious  agitation  in  favor  of  actual  American  representation  in 
Parliament  so  as  to  legalize  parliamentary  legislation  and  taxation 
over  the  colonies.  It  is  true  that  such  an  idea  was  abroad  as  far 
bacii  as  1750  and  even  1652,  but  the  active  campaign  for  it  began 
about  1764.  In  this  connection  such  figures  as  Otis,  Po?mall , 
Crowley,  Bushe , iJaseres,  Bancroft,  and  Smith,  are  recalled.  Por 
some  time  the  representation  movement  appeared  to  be  viewed  with 
favor  and  might  have  been  realized,  had  not  some  serious  obstacles 
stood  in  its  v;ay.  nevertheless,  plans  of  representations  played  a 
significant  part  in  imperial  politics  of  the  age. 

The  passing  of  the  representation  regime  in  the  middle  of 
the  seventies  was  follov/ed  by  a counter  movement — colonial  autonomy 
under  Parliament  during  the  years  1773-1776.  One  group  of  writers 


" ‘ - -i.i-_  .'gr^iamita^  ■,.»■' if 


^rk. 


ii-i  ’ 


S?4 


>;,Y^4.-  ' ,.  .....  -‘:- 


-!^i -H:} K'-A.t $ipr 'Id#,  .« 

I ” .,’j'  Y^i*.-’  , .•  '■  "^‘'  v'  <■  '**'*>  ■;t'^«  '‘.  ' 

5*1  f ■• . # ii,lf‘  «vi  • fi  iii?>  Uwiafciiiarf " '-jSJa'KS 


Spfii^'; 

'sSSS.^-^?:'  ' p3 

> **•  .1 


Vrv 


p, . j » *’  vi  2 : osif:  51.0  ■'  1^00  (i 


^.’  *"  ^ j >T- 'rrr«««  y - •^’ ify,fWTW.  ..  jy  -V  ’ f --'it  ■ ^ 

ffSi'-y  '•■  '•■  .r'-‘  ■ ' 

\iiX^p:i.,U^Oi.^lC  Lt^-.r.  SK’li-t  '-L'A' 

. ^ ''■  t:  ■ ' / " ’ ' ■•  „,.►  ^■■■'.  '\c  ■ V,’;i, ; 'v.\>  a'  f ''•■‘''l&'^A^^ 


'h 


►V*  ;; 


* ’ '^ . ^ Mw'  \t'ft  ^ 4^^'- 

; 'ikiii 


-99- 


advocated  a system  of  uniform  imperial  taxation  and  provincial  self- 
government.  And  loyalists  and  conservatives  recommended  projects 
for  a large  measure  of  colonial  home  rule  under  the  supremacy  of  the 
Parliament,  v/hile  Joseph  Galloway  urged  a different  scheme  of  govern- 
ment which  was  to  establish  an  unicameral  federal  congress,  "an 
inferior  branch"  of  the  Parliament.  All  these  schemes  implied  the 
American  recognition  of  pari iamentary  authority  over  the  colonies. 
This  system,  it  is  noted,  was  substantially  to  annul  the  oft-re- 
peated colonial  assertion,  and  to  legalize  parliamentary  contention 
so  frequently  made.  i5uch  being  the  case,  it  was  very  distateful 
to  most  colonists,  and  the  systems  met  with  little  favor. 

Coincident  with  the  failure  of  the  plans  of  colonial 
autonomy,  other  schemes  of  a different  nature  were  brought  forward. 
Of  these  some  fell  v/ithin  the  category  of  real  union,  and  others 
within  that  of  personal  union.  These  two  systems  were  undoubtedly 
formulated  with  a close  attention  to  the  failure  of  the  measures  of 
American  representation  and  of  colonial  autonomy  under  Parliament. 
Therefore,  they  endeavored  to  have  little  or  no  relation  v\/ith  the 
Parliament,  and  devised  a new  method  of  solution  by  taking  over  the 
Grown  as  the  connecting  link  between  the  two  parts  of  the  empire. 

As  already  noted,  the  most  notable  of  the  projects  for  real  union  is 
one  proposed  by  Mward  Jancroft  in  1769,  while  those  for  personal 
union  are  found  in  the  scheme  of  William  H.  Drayton  and  in  the 
"Articles  of  a Perpetual  Union".  Practical  as  these  plans  might 
have  been,  they,  nevertheless,  failed  to  receive  powerful  support. 

If  carried  out  these  schemes  would  have  been  bound  to  strengthen 


./in',5vv.  Q.i  r;V  -J  C?U  -TW  ^>tJi#3«a. 


I-  1 *%.  .£»^  ' r.  ■■  . -'^  *5  ''‘  ^ 

v*jg.*giirf' KL'.**"ff  "*♦**<»’» fi., ^2 < a? n .« '."j  " , ■ ^,j  I 


- iK'\ 


-100- 

the  control  of  George  III  over  American  affairs,  a plan  no  more 
welcome  in  America  than  in  England.  Therefore  to  many  colonists 
such  constitutional  mechanism  Vi/as  nothing  more  than  a hollow  of 
mockery. 

Lastly  came  various  devices  of  constitutional  reform  of 
the  empire.  All  of  them,  however,  agreed  in  setting  up  full  and  com- 
plete self-government  in  each  dominion  of  the  great  empire,  viz. 
America,  Britain,  and  Ireland.  Naturally  in  this  system  there  would 
be  no  royal  or  parliamentary  control  over  America,  and  thus  it  would 
make  America  sovereign  in  all  but  name.  Indeed,  some  projects  of 
this  system  went  so  far  as  to  declare  America  "free  and  independent” 
even  in  theory.  As  has  been  noted,  of  this  system  there  were  three 
kinds.  The  first  one  included  schemes  of  a supreme  council  and  of 
reciprocal  deputation.  The  second  was  based  on  Burke’s  theory  that 
the  British  Parliament  acted  in  two  capacities,  national  and  imperil 
or  it  was  based  on  the  principle  of  a separate  and  distinct  imperial 
Parliament.  The  third  or  last  kind  consisted  of  projects  for  a con- 
federation either  Anglo-American  or  American-nuropean.  And  the  only 
connecting  link,  if  any,  between  the  several  self-governing  nations 
was  either  a supreme  council,  a reciprocal  deputation,  the  Parlia- 
ment as  the  imperial  legislature,  or  the  presidency  of  Great  Britain 
in  the  confederation.  Correctly  understood,  each  plan  of  the  three 
kinds  anticipated  the  British  commonwealth  of  nations  in  our  century. 

Viewed  in  another  li^ht,  the  projected  solutions  of  the 

problem  of  imperial  reorganization  showed  a line  of  evolution  in 
political  speculations  on  the  British  empire  and  her  colonies.  In 


r i u't'  l^Uy-%'Oi  i'JCi 


ISlir 1*.  4y  *ja  c.*T,.*i  i»y  ,•  ••  v 

^ iT»*r(~'»V  j ■ . z ■ ‘ ‘ i *^' jj3¥5®*  ■'?■  ' ’ ' I-  '’1  %R'?Cjin 


-101- 


the  first  place,  the  solution  of  the  problem  v;as  attempted  by  the 
invention  of  a theory  of  virtual  representat ion , and  after  its 
failure  by  the  ae:itation  in  favor  of  actual  representation  in 
Parliament.  There  we  find  an  evidence  of  democratic  movements  in 
the  imperial  politics  of  the  era.  Nevertheless,  representation  v;as 
believed  impracticable,  and  a solution  was  sought  in  colonial 
autonomy  under  Parliament,  which  was  indeed  repugnant  to  many  colo- 
nists who  asserted  their  right  of  self-government  pure  and  simple. 
Responding  to  -{jhis  contention  of  the  colonists,  schemes  were  laid 
dow'n  for  real  or  personal  union.  The  one  recognized  a limited 
authority  of  Parliament  over  America,  the  other  none  at  all.  There- 
fore, in  the  plans  of  personal  union  the  British  Crov/n  was  made  the 
only  connecting  link  and  tie  between  America  and  Britain.  Here 
again  we  see  a great  forward  step  towards  democracy  in  imperial 
politics.  To  the  seceding  dominion,  however,  even  such  constitu- 
tions could  not  be  satisfactory.  Then,  it  was  probably  thought 
wise  to  propose  a more  radical  constitution,  which  was  done  by  the 
several  projects  for  a commonwealth  of  nations.  These  ran  from  a 
supreme  council  to  a league  of  "free  and  independent  Btates."  In 

N 

the  last  one  v/e  now  see  the  dissolution  of  the  British  empire  it- 
self. In  brief,  the  projected  solutions  of  the  problem  of  imperial 
reconstruction  evolved  from  that  sophistic  theory  of  virtual  Amer- 
ican representation  to  the  utter  dissolution  of  the  great  imperial 
system  v/ithin  less  than  a score  of  years. 

To  be  sure,  the  reorganization  of  the  British  empire  was 
felt  necessary  v/ith  the  rise  of  the  question  of  imperial  defense. 


pv!  yyVJ  -^'ir  w«'-  ' ',  ■ * 


* ‘>  » • I ■■  .V 


. — ‘-’V.  * ^ *s,  • ^‘1‘jsW.  ;.,. 

t . ■ • . ■ ^ ,■;■  'f\ 


*-  .'  . ■.  vr*,.,-ra  'j>-^£$rA 


-102- 

the  solution  of  which  was  attempted  by  means  of  colonial  unions. 
After  the  *5even  Years'  War,  however,  the  need  of  imperial  defense 
was  less  pressing.  On  the  other  hand,  the  necessity  of  imperial 
constitutional  reorganization  became  uppermost  in  imperial  politics 
with  the  acquisition  of  vast  territories  by  the  war.  And  it  is  this 
great  problem  which  taxed  the  thinking  men  on  both  sides  of  the 
ocean.  Then  they  suggested  and  contemplated  projects  for  American 
representation,  colonial  autonomy,  real  and  personal  unions , and 
confederations.  In  point  of  time,  proposals  of  American  represen- 
tation and  colonial  autonomy  were  made  during  the  years  1750-1775. 
Agitation  in  favor  of  real  and  personal  unions  was  rife  in  the 
several  years  before  the  signing  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
while  projects  for  a commonwealth  of  nations  were  in  the  air  during 
the  period  of  1775-1782. 

Making  some  statistical  observation  we  count  over  fifty 
projects  for  imperial  reorganization  in  the  period  we  have  con- 
sidered.^ Of  these  about  twenty  w^ere  made  by  Americans,  ard  the 
rest  by  Englishmen.  Again,  we  must  take  account  of  ten  American 
schemes  of  colonial  union  and  imperial  defense,  which  are  included 
in  the  twenty.  Therefore,  only  ten  plans  came  from  America  for 
projecting  American  representation,  colonial  autonomy,  real  and 
personal  unions,  and  a commonwealth  of  nations.  Thus,  there  were 
three  plans  for  American  representation,  four  for  colonial  autonomy, 
two  for  real  and  personal  unions,  and  one  for  a commonwealth  of 

1 

See  Appendix  below, 


■■’■t.  > <.* ' J'  IIJ}.  6a; ‘5^ 


'‘»|X*q  >5f{^;‘’  .joTA»xetsC- 


6- , 'i$7  i ' ' .‘T^Uf'^  .>in,«»a<6 ^^oVdC;.  TA a .*3B)’k»' 


k'*'  '.**  ofm  * •/  j ‘ yj'sT 


Bl;  ■ . %^:um  ^ 

mt  ' ' '■ ;’  ^'i.^  '1  >H  : 

»■  ',TtB;’‘  ..'I  . “ •.'i'’ 


-103- 


nations.  On  the  other  hand,  from  England  came  thirty  projects  in 
all.  They  contemplated  by  far  the  larger  number  of  reforai  measures 
of  American  government  and  representation  in  Parliament,  It  was  the 
British  who  proposed  nearly  half  of  the  schemes  of  colonial  autonomy, 
and  almost  all  of  the  plans  of  real  and  personal  unions,  and  a 
commonvreal th  of  nations. 

When  we  consider  only  those  projects  which  w-ere  brought 
forward  since  1773,  we  have  twenty-nine  of  them,  and  only  eight  be- 
long to  American  publicists.  The  proportion  of  American  projects, 
it  is  noted  gradually  decreases  in  the  period  of  1773-1782.  Further- 
more, almost  all  of  them  were  advanced  before  the  year  1776,  and  only 
one  after  that.  Again,  it  was  1774  that  saw?  more  than  the  half 
of  the  American  plans.  On  the  contrary,  it  v/as  after  1775  and 
notably  during  1778-178E  that  most  of  the  English  projects  came  out. 
And  there  are  twenty-one  of  them  from  1775  to  178-2.  Of  these  twenty- 
one,  seven  were  proposed  in  1775,  and  eight  in  1778-1782.  Taking 
all  these  facts  into  consideration,  v/e  can  safely  conclude  that  the 
American  projects  for  imperial  reconstruction  had  almost  come  to  an 
end  by  1776,  v;hile  those  of  the  British  just  began  to  come  out  in 
1775.  Buch  a conclusion  is  at  least  true  so  far  as  the  plans  since 
1773,  or  more  important  and  radical  ones  are  concerned.  This  would 
probably  reflect  the  trend  of  events  and  public  opinion  on  both 
sides  of  the  water. 

All  of  the  projected  solutions  for  imperial  reorganization, 
hov/ever,  did  nothing  in  the  way  of  solving  the  problem  so  pressing 
and  important.  Indeed,  they  utterly  failed  of  adoption,  not  to 


V, . j ■' ' "<  - *' ■ ■’jk.')'^  vii^dyiii^lSL- 

[i-  w*  ->1.-1  ;H  • ■ 

" !.  ^ -;  ' Ifc 

i^}  jf  VJ-.  Tt>  i 


«;  ti-.yj,  jVv.;.  i45-.»,f«'iMt  ;H' 

-at* '?4K*  r:  ' om*  ai«'  WA.2'f‘tin6»  tM^Wrt  jh'Ful+  ftV  C’«tA?‘’Sf  itMt  .-tf  A 


,-^jg  -?ra^n*  2 ' a^'i  o;i»'  '<<«>rfiVnR  Oiltf  , g 


■*^v 


Ir  -ifarr’-t  ,K..un)  *t:  ,S^VX  0} MiS. 

'•  _ • • K5»'i  . ■ ’*;’  ,--  ' 'i  •(;.  'V."t^-  ' ■"■‘■’''yi&Jfi^lr-T--^  : ‘ IsS^’ 


- _ j i*  ‘ 1^'  « > it^  ' t ■ **<T ■'  'f  ^ A =,  1 


-104- 

speak  of  actual  execution,  and  the  problem  of  imperial  reconstruction 
itself  v;as  unsolved  after  all.  However,  it  had  disappeared  entirely 
with  the  secession  of  the  Thirteen  Colonies  from  the  empire.  There- 
fore, so  far  as  the  problem  is  concerned  with  that  part  of  America, 
now  making  the  .nucleus  of  the  United  States,  there  was  no  need  of 
such  solution  after  the  Peace  of  1783.  Indeed  the  problem  of  im- 
plied reorganization  shifted  from  the  seceded  colonies  to  Canada, 
Australia,  Hew  Zealand,  and  South  Africa. 

The  net  result  of  the  projected  solutions  for  the  reorgani- 
zation of  the  British  empire  is  to  remain  as  patterns  for  later 
solution  of  the  sane  or  similar  problems.  Ho  less  than  the  American 

Revolution,  it  is  believed,  have  they  furnished  valuable  lessons  in 

2 

colonial  government.  Unfamiliar  to  many  as  these  projects  are, they 
are  nevertheless,  sources  of  v/isdom  whence  one  can  draw  lessons  in 
colonial  policy  and  in  imperial  reorganization.  If  rightly  utilized, 
they  v/ould  certainly  be  of  great  value  in  solving  the  problems  of 
the  British  empire  to-day.  To  illustrate,  Edmund  :Surke ' s project 
contained  in  his  "’Bpeech  on  American  Taxation”  in  1774  remained  mere 
material  for  future  legislation.  Yet  it  was  something  that  ninety 
years  after  his  speech  the  British  Horth  America  Act  gavel'-^en  his 
dream  full  substance.  Again,  his  and  others'  schemes  of  the  system 
of  a dual  Parliament  are  seen  in  full  play  at  the  present  time. 

E. 

Cf.  G.  B.  Adams,  "The  Origin  and  the  Results  of  the  Im- 
perial Federation  Ilovement  in  England,"  Proceedings  of  Wisconsin 
Historical  Bociety  1898 , 95 

3 

H.  J.  Laski , Political  Thought  in  England.  From  Locke 
to  Bentham.  EE9-E30.  passim 


rKw  ' , '.  . 'l-V,  ^ C’W-V^' 


J9I 


J^-:;  t V, , s-  niV5r««^i^ 


, tr  ^ 

,\.,  ~i  '^  ' - , 

.X  ~’V-  n*i!C«  Viiqf  i^<£-  cr  % •'.:: :'T', 


^ . ' »?i 


'.x«T4^  ,.  JUW  Oe  F 


-105- 

Plans  of  real  and  personal  unions  are  now  actualized  in  fact,  if  not 
in  theory.  As  for  the  projects  for  a supreme  council  or  reciprocal 
deputation,  we  are  not  entirely  without  some  analogies  such  as 
British  Imperial  Conferences  and  the  Imperial  l.ar  Cabinet.  Again, 
correctly  considered,  the  present  British  commonwealth  of  nations 
is  in  reality  a confederation  of  independent  nations  so  far  as 

4 

practices  are  concerned.  Thus,  we  see  a fair,  if  not  full,  reali- 
zation of  the  dreams  of  the  projectors  for  imperial  reconstruction 
in  the  days  of  the  American  Revolution.  Such  facts  would  amply  en- 
dorse the  value  of  those  projected  solutions  for  the  reorganization 
of  the  British  empire  in  those  critical  days. 

4 

See  their  being  full  members  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
and  their  maintenance  of  quasi-diplomat  ic  relations  with  foreign 
powers  at  present. 


' ^‘.‘«  'f  <,<  T <■'*!  " u^- ' ? ? /tojDi: 


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Appendix 

1 

A List  of  Projects  for  Imperial  Reorganization  (1773-1782) 


A,  Colonial  Autonomy  under  Parliament  (1773-1778). 

a.  Uniform  Imperial  Taxation  (1776). 

(1)  1.  Adam  Smith,  1776.  B 

(2)  2,  "A  Plan  of  Reconciliation  between  Great  Britain  and 

her  Colonies,"  (London,  1776).  B 

b.  Provincial  Legislative  Independence  (1773-1887). 

(3)  1.  Thomas  Hutchinson, 17 73 -17 74.  A 

(4)  2.  Myles  Cooper,  1774.  B 

(5)  3.  Samuel  Seabury,  1775.  A 

(6)  4.  Edmund  Burke,  1774.  B 

(7)  5.  "A  Plan  of  Reunion  between  Great  Britain  and  her 

Colonies,"  (London,  1778).  B 

c.  Federal  Legislation  and  Royal  Administrative  Control  (1774). 

(8)  1.  Joseph  Galloway,  1774.  A 

B.  Real  and  Personal  Unions  (1769-1780). 
a.  Real  Union  (1769-1776). 

(9)  1.  Thomas  Pownall,  1774.  B 

(10) 2.  "America  Vindicated,"  (London,  1774).  B 

(11) 3.  "Some  Candid  Suggestions  towards  Accommodation  of 

Differences  with  America,"  (London,  1776).  B 

1 

Edward  Bancroft  is  placed  on  the  list  on  account  of  the 
peculiar  importance  of  his  plan  for  real  union. 

A and  B indicate  American  and  British  respectively. 
Projects  whose  authors  are  not  known  are  indicated  by 
the  titles  of  their  publications. 


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(12)  i. 

"Observations:  Reconciliation  of  Great  Britain 
and  the  Colonies,"  (Philadelphia,  1776).  A 

(13)  5. 

Edward  Bancroft,  1769.  B 

b.  Personal  Union  (1774-1780). 


(14)  1. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  1774.  A 

(16)  2. 

Granville  Sharp,  1775.  B 

(16)  3. 

"The  Present  Peace  and  future  Government  of  the 
British  Colonies,"  (London,  1775).  B 

(17)  4. 

William  Henry  Drayton,  1774.  A 

(18)  5. 

"A  Plan,  or  Articles  of  Perpetual  Union,  Commerce, 
and  Friendship,  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
American  Colonies,"  (London,  1780).  B 

Gommonwealth  of  Nations  (1776-1782). 


a.  Supreme 

Council  and  Reciprocal  Deputation  (1775-1778). 

(19)  1. 

"A  Plan  for  conciliating  the  jarring  Political 
Interests  of  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies," 
(London,  1776).  B 

(20)  2. 

Sir  Robert  Harris,  1775.  B 

(21)  3. 

Carlisle  Commission,  1778.  B 

(22)  4. 

"An  Examination  into  the  conduct  of  the  Present 
Administration. ..  .And  a Plan  of  Accommodation  with 
America,"  (London,  1778).  B 

b.  Dual  and  Separate  Parliam^ats  (1774-1780).  B 

(23)  1.  Edmund  Burke,  1774.  B 

(24)  2.  "Occasional  Letters  on  Taxation,"  (London,  1778- 


1780).  B 


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(25)  5,  Thomas  Wycliffe,  1779.  B 

(26)  4.  "The  Alarm,  or  A Plan  of  Pacification  with  America, 

(New  York,  178?).  A 

c.  Anglo-American  and  American-Eur opean  Confederations  (1775- 
1782) . 

(27)  1.  John  Cartwright,  1775.  B 

(28)  2.  "An  Essay  on  the  Interest  of  Great  Britain  in  re- 

gard to  America,"  (London,  1780).  B 

(29)  3.  Benjamin  Franklin,  1775.  A 

(30)  4.  James  Anderson,  1782.  B 


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Bibliogyaphy 


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Ohanning,  Edward,  A,  B,  Hart,  and  P.  J.  Turner,  Guide  to 
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Doughty,  A.  G. , Abstract  of  Political  Qorresnondence  re- 
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Oato  Letter  ( "being  his  S ec end ) to  the  people  of 
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on  the  Interests  of  Britain  in  regard  to  America; 
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Assays  commercial  and  political,  on  the  Real  and  Rela- 
ti've  Interests  of  Imperial  and  Dependent  States, 
nartlcularly  those  of  Great  Britain  and  her 
I)ependencies:'~eW7,~Fewcastle.  1777. 

Exam i na t i on  into  the  Conduct  of  a present  Administration, 
:grom  the  year  1774,  to  the  year  1778.  And  a plan 
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Free  thoughts  on  the  Cont inuanc e of  the  American  V/ar, 
the  Necessity  of  its  TermlniWon^  EWT, 

London,  1781. 

General  Opposition  of  the  Colonies  to  the  Payment  of 
th Q S tamp  Lu t y ; and  the  Consequence  o f enf or c ing 
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sider^. Etc. , London,  1766. 

Letter  a Member  of  Parliament  on  the  present  unhappy 
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Etc. , London,  1774.  

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■M 


-111- 


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Plan  of  Reconciliation  between  Or eat  Britain  and  her 
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Plan,  or  Articles  of  Perpetnal  Union,  Commerce,  and 

Friendship , between  Great-Britain  and  her  American 
Colonies ; Rto . , London,  1780. 

Plan  of  Re-Union  between  Great  Britain  and  Her  Colonies, 
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Reflections  Moral  and  Political  on  Great  Britain  and 
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Reflexions  on  Representation  in  Parliament : Etc . , Lon- 
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Remarks  on  Dr . Price  * s Observati ons  on  the  Hatnre  of 
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Short  View  of  the  Political  life  and  transactions  of  a 
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1766. 

View  of  the  History  of  Great-Britain,  during  the  ad- 
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(Adams,  John,  and  Jonathan  Sewall,)  Hovan^lus.  and 

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(Almon,  John)  Bio^aphical , Literary,  and  Political 

Anecdotes  of  the  several  of  the  Most  Eminent  Per- 
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Almon,  John,  A Hew  and  Impartial  Collection  of  Interest- 
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(Almon,  John)  The  Remembrancer ; or.  Impartial  Repository 
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Anderson,  James,  The  Interest  of  Great -Britain  wi th 

regard  to  her  American  Oolloni es , o onsid.er e^  ^te « , 
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Bancroft,  Edward,  Remarks  on  the  Review  of  the  Contro- 
versy between  Great  Britain  and  her~^olonies , in 
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London,  1769. 

(Barron,  Vi/illiam)  History  of  the  Qolonizat ion  of  the 
Free  States  of  Antiquity,  app)lied  ^ the  present 
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Berkenhout,  John,  Lucubrations  on  Ways  and  Means . Etc. , 
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Sir  Francis  Bermrd,  Cause  of  the  present  distractions 
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Burke,  Edmund,  Observations  on  a late  State  of  the 
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(Gervase  Parber  Bushe) , The  Case  of  Great  Britain  and 
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tilL. 


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Draper,  John  W. , Thoughts  on  the  Eutur e Civil  Policy  of 
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Carolina  to  the  Deputies  of  North  America  Assembl  ed 
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Eddis,  V/illiam,  Letters  from  America.  Etc.,  London,  1792. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  ^ Address  to  the  Good  People  of 
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Gallov/ay,  Joseph,  Galloway* s American  Tracts , 1,  II , 
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( T — 1 - _ _ _ - Historical  and  Political  Reflec- 

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-114- 


.Political  Reflections  ^ the  Royal,  Proprietary, 

and  Charter  Governments  of  the  American  Colonies, 
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,A  Reply  to  an  Address  :tj^  Author  of  a Pamphl  et 

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(Grenville,  George),  Considerations  on  the  Trade  and 
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(Grenville,  George,  and  Wm.  Ehox) , The  Present  State 
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Hartley,  David,  Letters  on  the  American  Wan,  etc . , 
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Hopkins,  Stephen,  The  Ri ^ts  of  Colonies  Examined, 
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,A  True  Representati on  of  the  Plan  formed  at  Albany, 

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ment . for  Making  more  Effectual  Provis ion  for  the 
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Proved;  and  the  Conduct  of  Admmi  strati  on  Respect- 
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the  people  of  Great  Britain,  in  the  present  disputes 
with  America,  London,  1775. 


' fv. 


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-115- 


( ) ,A  Speech,  intended  to  have  been  delivered  in  th  e 

Hous’e  of  (Commons,  in  support  of  the  Petition~^roin 
the  General  Confess  at  Philadelphia'^  London,  1775. 

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Admitting  Representatives  from  the  American  Golonies 
into  the  British  I^ouse  of  Gommons , London,  1770. 


Mauduit,  Israel,  A Hand  Bill  advocating  American  Inde- 
pendence, ins pir ed  by  the  English  Ministry,  and 
written  and  published  at  London  in  March,  1778, 
Brooklyn,  F.  I.,  1890. 

(Mitchell,  John) , The  Gontest  in  America  between  Great 
Britain  and  France,  Rtc. , London,  1757. 


Otis,  James,  The  Ri ^ts  of  the  British  Golonies  asserted 
and  proved,  Boston,  1764. 

Pownall,  Thomas,  The  Administration  of  the  British 
Golonies , II,  London,  1774. 

Price,  Richard,  Observations  on  the  Nature  of  Givil 

Liberty,  the  Principles  of  Go vernment , and  the  Jus- 
tice and  Policy  of  the  Viar  with  America.  Etc. , 
London,  1776. 

Pulteney,  William,  Gonsiderations  on  the  present  State 
of  public  Affairs , and  the  Means  of  raising  the 
necessary  Supplies,  London,  1779. 

(Pulteney,  Wm. ) , Thoughts  on  the  Origin  and  Nature  of 
Government , Etc. , London,  1769. 


( ) , Thoughts  on  the  Present  §Jba,te  of  Affairs  and  with 

America,  and  the  Means  of  Gonciliation,  London, 
1778. 

Rokeby,  Matthew  Robinson-Morris,  Gonsiderations  on  the 
measures  carrying  on  with  respect  to*  the  British 
colonies  in  North  America,  London,  1774. 

,A  Further  Examination  of  our  Present  American 

Measures  and  of  the  Reasons  and  the  Principles  on 
which  they  are  founded.  Etc. , London,  1776. 

» Peace  the  Best  Policy  or  Ref 1 actions  upon  the 

Appearance  of  a Foreign  the  Present  State  of 

Affairs  at  Home  and  the  Commission  for  granting 
Pardons  in  America,  London,  1777. 


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R-atherford,  John,  The  Importance  of  the  Polonies  to 
Great  Britain  with  some  llints  towards  making- 
improvements  to  their  Mutual  Advantage":  And  upon 
Trade  in  General"  London,  1761. 

{Seabury,  Samuel) , A View  of  Qontroversy  between 

Great  Britain  and  her  Polonies:  etc. , Nev/  York, 1775. 


Smith,  Adam,  ^ Inquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Pauses  of 
the  Wealth  of  Nations,  I,  IlTTJTE.'Oogers  edTT, 
Oxford,  1880. 

,An  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Pauses  of  the  Wealth 

of  Nations,  (World  Library  ed. ) , London, 

Stokes,  Anthony,  View  of  the  constitution  of  the  British 
colonies  in  North  America  and  West  Indies,  at  the 
time  the  civil  war  broke  out  on  the  Pontinent  of 
America,  London,  1783. 

Tucker,  Josiah,  Four  Tracts  together  wi th  two  sermons, 
on  political  and  commercial  Subjects,  Glocester, 
1774. 

, Tract  V.  The  Respective  Pleas  and  Ar gument s of  the 

Mother  Pountry,  and  of  the  Polonies , distinctly  set 
forth;  and  impossibility  of  a Pompromise  of  dif- 
ferences , or  a Mutual  Poncession  of  Ri^ts,  ^Plainly 
demonstrated,  etc. , Glocester,  1773. 


, Tract,  VI.  ^ Expostulatory  Letter  addressed  to  the 

Ministers  of  the  several  demonimat ions  of  Protestants 
in  North  America,  Glocester,  1775. 

, Pui  Bono?  or,  ^ Inquiry  what  benefits  can  arise 

either  to  the  igiglish  or  the  Amer i cans , the  !Pr ench , 
Spaniards,  or  Xhitch,  from  the  Greatest  Victories , 
or  Successes,  in  the  Present  War.  Etc.,  Glocester, 
1781. 

, Dispassionate  Thoughts  on  the  American  War : ad- 
dressed to  the  Moderate  of  all  Parties.  London,1780. 

.Eour  Letters  on  important  NATIONAL  SUB JEPTS , ad- 
dressed to  the  Ri ^t  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Shel- 
burne . Etc. , Glocester,  1783. 


Humble  Address  and  Ernest  Appeal  to  Those  Respec- 
tive Personages  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  etc. , 
Glocester,  1775. 


-117- 


,A  Letter  to  Edmund  Burke,  Ssq«  and  &c » in  Answer 

t^  his  pr inted  Address  of  March  22,  1775,  &c. 
Glocester,  1775. 

,A  Series  of  Answers  to  certain  Popular  0b,1  ections, 

against  Separating  from  the  Rebellious  Polonies , 
and  Discarding  them  entirely:  Etc. , Glocester,  1776. 

Wycliffe,  Thomas,  On  Go vernment ; addressed  to  the  Public , 
Warrington,  1779. 

Young,  Arthur,  Political  Ari thmetick.  Part  II.  Etc., 
London,  1779. 


II.  Collected  Works. 

Adams,  Samuel,  The  Writings  of,  coll,  and  ed.  by  Harry 
A.  Gushing,  vols.  I,  III,  H.  Y. , 1904. 

Barrington-Bernard  Correspondence,  ed.  by  Ghanning, 
Edward,  and  A.  G.  Goolidge,  Cambridge,  1912. 

■% 

Burke,  Edmund,  Correspondence  of  the  Right  Honourable , 

etc. , ed.  by  Charles  William,  Earl  Eitzwilliam,  and 
Sir  Richard  Bourke,  4 vols.,  London,  1844. 

, Selections  from  his  Political  Writings  and  Speeches , 

New  York,  1905? 

, The  Writings  and  Speeches  of  the  Right  Honourable, 

TBeacons field  ed. ) 12  vols . Boston,  1901. 

Dickinson,  John,  The  Writings  of,  Yol.  _I.  Political 

Writings , 1764-1774 , in  Memoirs  of  the  Historical 
Society  of  Permsylvania,  XIY,  Philadelphia,  1895. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  The  Y/orks  of,  (Bigelow  Federal  ed.) 

12  vols.  New  York,  1904. 

, The  Life  and  Essays  of  Dr.  Franklin,  London,  1816. 

, The  Writings  of,  ed.  by  Albert  H.  Smyth,  10  vols., 

New  York,  1905. 

,The  Works  of,  etc.,  ed.  by  Jared  Sparks,  Boston, 

1859. 

George  III.,  The  Correspond ence  of  king  Geor ge  The  Third 
v/ith  Lord  iTorth  from  1768  to  1785,  ed,  by  V/.  B. 
Downe,  2 vols.,  London,  1867. 

>^Qnioirs  of  the  Life  and  Rei gi  of  king  George  The 


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Third,  ed.  by  Horace  Walpole,  3 vols.,  London,  1847. 

Grenville  Papers:  being  the  correspondence  of  Richard 
Grenville  Earl  Temple,  K.  G. , and  The  Right  Hon: 
George  Grenville , their  friends  and  contemporaries , 
ed.  by  Wm.  James  Smith,  4 vols.,  London,  1853. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  The  Liary  and  Letters  of  His  Ex- 
cellency, etc.,  ed.  by  Peter  Orlando  Hutchinson, 

2 vols.,  Boston,  1886. 

Jay,  John,  The  Correspondence  and  Public  Papers  of, 

4 vols.,  N.  Y.,  1893. 


Jefferson,  Thomas,  The  Writings  of,  10  vols.,  Hev/  York, 
1892. 


Johnson,  Samuel,  The  Works  of,  vol.  Till,  London,  1796. 

Lee,  Richard  Henry,  The  Letters  of,  2 vols.,  Nev/  York, 
1911. 


Mereness,  Hewton  D.,  (ed.).  Travels  in  Amer ica,  Lev/ 
York,  1916. 

Paine,  Thomas,  The  Writings  of,  ed.  by  Moncure  Daniel 
Oonway,  4 vols.,  New  York,  1902. 


Pitt,  William,  Correspondence  of,  when  secretary  of 
state,  with  colonial  governors  and  military  and 
naval  commissioners  in  Amer i ca , ed.  by  G.  S.  Him- 
ball,  2 vols.,  London,  1906. 

, Correspondence  of,  Earl  of  Chatham,  ed.  by  Wm. 

Stanhope  Taylor,  and  J.  H.  Pringle,  4 vols.,  Lon- 
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Priestly,  John,  Memoirs  of,  to  the  year  1795,  etc . , 
London,  1866. 

The  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  Memo ir s of,  and  His  Contem- 
poraries , etc . , 2 vols.,  London,  1807. 

Vaughn,  Benjamin,  Letters  of,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 

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III.  Public  Documents . 

Bartlett,  John  Russell,  Records  of  the  Colony  of  Rhode 
Island  and  Providence  Plantations,“l.n  Hew~^ngland, 
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Brodhead,  John  R.,  Documents  relating  to  the  Oolonial 
History  of  the  State  of  l^ew  York,  vols.  V-VlTl, 
Albany,  H.  Y. , 1855-57. 

Boston,  The  Votes  and  Proceedings  of  the  Freeholders  and 
other  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  , In  Tovm  Me'eting 
assembled.  According  to  Law.  Boston,  1772. 

Bouton,  Hathan,  Pr ovine ial  Papers . Documents  and  Records 
relating  to  the  province  of  New-Hamp shire,  From 
1749  to  1765:  etc.  Manchester,  1872. 


Oavendish,  Sir  Henry,  Debates  in  Parliament , 1768-1774 . 

Force,  Peter,  Ameri can  Archives i 4th  series,  vols.  I -VI, 
Washington,  1843-46. 

Ford,  V/orthington,  Ohanery,  Journal  of  the  Continental 
Congress,  1774-1789 , 23  vols.,  Washington,  1908. 

Fortescue,  J.  W. , Calender  of  State  Paners , Colonial 
series,  America  and  West  Indies , 1685-1688.  Pre- 
served in  Public  Pec or d Office , London,  1899. 

Gibbes,  R.  W. , Documentary  History  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion, etc.,  N.  Y*. , 1855. 

Hansard,  T.  C. , The  Parliamentary  History  of  Engl  and , 
from  ttie  earliest  period  to  the  year  1803.  Etc. 

Vols.  XIV-XXIII.  London,  1813. 

Hart,  A.  B.,  and  Edward  Channing,  American  History  Leaf- 
lets.  No.  14.  N.  Y.,  1894. 

Historical  Manuscripts  Commission,  The  Manuscripts  of 
the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  (11th  Report,  Appendix, 
pt.  V. , 14th  Report,  Appendix,  pt.  X.,  15th  Report, 
Appendix,  pt.  I.,)  London,  1887-95-96. 

Linn,  John  B.,  and  W.  H.  Sgle,  Pennsylvania  Archives , 

2d  series,  vol.  VI.,  Harrisburg,  1877. 

MacDonald,  Wm. , Select  Charters  and  Other  Documents  il- 
lustrative  of  American  History,  1606-1775,  New 
York,  1910. 

Moore,  Frank,  Diary  of  the  Ameri can  Revolution,  from 
Newspapers  and  original  documents . N.  Y. , 1863. 

Munro,  James,  Acts  of  the  Privy  Counc il  of  England , 

Colonial  series,  vols.  IV-VI,  London,  1911-1912. 


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Rioord,  Fredrick  W.,  and  W.  Nelson,  Doc-uunents  relating 
l2  Qolonial  History  of  State  of  New  Jersey, 
1st  series,  vol.  X,  New  Ark,  N,  J.,  1886. 

Stevens,  B,  F. , Facsimiles  of  Manuscripts  in  European 

Archives  relating  to  America,  vol*  IV.,  London, 1894 • 


IV.  Periodicals . 

Annual  Register , vols.  IX-XXV,  (1766-1782). 

Ori tical  Review,  vols.  XXXIX,  XLI  (1775). 

G-entleman*s  Magazine  and  Historioal  Chronicle,  vols. 

XXIV,  XLV  (1754-1775TT 

London  Magazine,  vol.  XLIV,  (1775). 

Monthly  Review;  or.  Literary  Journal:  vols.  XLII-LXVII, 
T1770-1782). 

Scots  Magazine,  vol.  XVI,  (1774). 

0.  Secondary  Materials . 

I.  Special  and  General  Works. 

Alvord,  Clarence  W. , fhe  Mississippi  Valley  in  British 
Politics , 2 vols.,  Cleveland,  1917. 

Andrews,  Charles,  The  Colonial  Period,  New-York,  1912. 

Bancroft,  George,  History  of  the  Uni  ted  States , vol.  VI, 
Boston,  1854. 

Becker,  Carl,  The  Eve  of  the  Revolut ion.  New  Haven,  1919. 

,The  History  of  Political  Parties  in  the  Province  of 

New  York,  1760-1776,  Madison,  1909. 

Beer,  George  L. , British  Colonial  Policy,  1754-1765, 

New  York,  1907. 

, The  Commercial  Policy  of  Engird  towards  the  Ameri- 

can  Colonies,  New  York,  1893. 

,The  Old  Colonial  System,  1660-1754,  2 vols..  New 

York,  1912. 

Belcher,  Henry,  The  First  American  Civil  War,  2 vols., 
London,  1911. 


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Galdecott,  Alfred,  English  Qolonization  and  Empire,  Hew 
York,  1891. 

Callender,  Guy  S, , Selections  fr om  the  Ec onomic  History 
of  the  United  States , 1765-1860,  Hew  York,  1909. 


Ohanning,  Edward,  A History  of  the  United  States,  vols. 
I,  II,  III,  Hew  York,  1918. 

Clark,  Y/alter  E.,  Josiah  Tucker.  Economist , Hew  York, 
1903. 

Corwin,  Edward  S. , French  Policy  and  the  Ameri can  Al- 
liance of  1778,  Princeton,  1916. 

Denison,  George  T.,  The  Struggle  for  Imperial  Unity, 
Recollections  and  Experiences,  Hew  York,  1909. 


Dickerson,  Oliver  M. , American  Colonial  Government, 
1696-1765,  Cleveland,  1912. 

Edgar,  Lady,  A Colonial  Governor  in  Maryland.  Horatio 
Sharpe  and  his  times  1753-1773,  !lJew  Y^ork,  1912. 

Egerton,  Hugh  E.,  A Short  History  of  British  Colonial 
Policy,  London,  1897. 

.Federations  and  Unions  within  the  British  Empire, 

Oxford,  1911. 

Fisher,  E.  J. , Hew  Jersey  as  a Royal  Province,  1758-1776. 
Hew  York,  1911. 

Fitzmaurice,  Lord  Edmond,  Life  of  William,  Earl  o f Shel- 
hurne,  afterwards  First  Marquis  of  Lansdowne. 

Etc.  3 vols.,  London,  1875-1876. 


Flick,  Alexander  C. , Loyal ism  in  Hew  York  during  the 
American  Revolution,  Uew  York,  1901. 

Frothingham,  Richard,  The  Rise  of  the  Republic  of  the 
United  States,  Boston,  1890. 

Garner,  James  W.,  Intro  duct ion  to  Political  Sc ience.  A 
Treatise  on  the  Origin,  Hature,  Foundation,  and 
Organization  of  the  Stated  ITew  York,  1916. 

Grant,  Fredrick  R.  C.,  The  Life  of  Samuel  Johnson. 

London,  1887. 

Green,  V/alford  D.,  William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham,  and  the 
Growth  and  Division  of  the  British  Empire,  1708- 
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Hertz,  Gerald  B.,  Old  Oolonial  System,  Manchester, 

1905, 

, British  Imper ialism  in  the  Eighteenth  Century, 

London,  1908. 

Hirst,  Francis  W,,  Adam  Smith,  New  York,  1904. 

Hohson,  J.  A.,  Imper ialism:  A Study,  New  York,  1902. 

Hosmer,  James  K. , Samuel  Adams,  Boston,  1885. 

, Life  of  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Royal  Governor  of  the 

Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  Boston,  1896. 

Hothlack,  Kate,  Chatham ^ s Colonial  Policy:  a Study  in 

the  Fiscal  and  Economic  Implication  of  the  Colonial 
Policy  of  the  Elder  Pitt"  Lond on , T917. 

Howard,  George  E.,  Preliminaries  of  the  Revolution, 
1765-1775,  New  ^ork,  1905. 

Hunt,  William,  The  Political  History  of  England , Fr om 

the  Accession  of  George  III . to  the  Close  of  Pitt  * s 
first  Administration,  1760-1801,  New  York,  1905. 

Jose,  Arthur  W,,  The  Grov/th  of  the  Empire.  A Handbook 
to  the  History  of  Greater  Britain,  New~Tork,  1910. 

Kennedy,  Sinclair,  The  Pan-Angles.  A consideration  o f 
the  Federation  of  the  Seven  Engli sh -Speaking  Na- 
tions , Aondon,  1914. 

Larson,  L.  M. , A Short  History  of  Engl  and  and  the  Brit  ish 
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f 

Laski,  Harold  J.,  Political  Thought  in  Engl  and,  fr om 
Locke  to  Bentham,  New  York,  1920. 

Lawson,  W.  R.,  Canada  and  the  Empire,  London,  1911. 

Leadam,  I.  S. , The  History  of  Engl and.  From  the  Acces- 
sion of  Anne  to  the  death  of  George  II . 1702-1760 , 
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Lecky,  Wm.  E.,  The  American  Revolution,  1765-1785:  being 
the  chapters  and  passages  relating  to  America  from 
the  author  *s  History  of  Engl  and  in  the  eighteenth 
centur y,  ed.  by  James  A,  ¥/oo^bum,  New  York,  1898. 

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McOlellan,  Vvm.  S. , S muscling  in  the  American  Polonies 
at  the  Outbreak  of  the  Hevolution  with  Special 
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McGormac,  S,  I,,  Oolonial  Opposition  to  Imperial  Author i- 
ty  during  the  French  and  Indian  War,  Berkeley, 
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Macknight,  Thomas,  History  of  the  Life  and  Times  of  Ed- 
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Mahon,  Lord,  History  of  Engl  and  from  the  Peace  of  Utrecht 
to  the  Peace  of  Versailles , 1715-1783,  London,  1858. 


Nash,  Francis,  Hillsboro  Oolonial  and  Revolutionary, 
Albany,  N.  Y. , 1903. 

Nicholson,  J.  Shield,  A Project  of  Empire.  A critical 
study  of  the  Economic  Imperialism,  wi th  special 
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Parkin,  George  R,. , Imperial  Federation.  The  Problem  of 
National  Unity,  London,  1892. 

Parton,  James,  Life  and  Times  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  2 
vols.,  Boston,  1867. 

Pitman,  Frank  W. , The  Leve lopment  of  the  British  West 
Indies,  1700-1763,  ¥ew  Haven,  Conn.,  1917. 

Poley,  Arthur  P.,  The  Federal  Systems  of  the  Uni  ted 

States  and  the  British  Empire.  Their  Origin,  Nature, 
and  Development,  Boston,  1913. 

Pownall,  Charles  A.  Vif. , Thomas  Poymall,  M.P.  ,F.R.S. , 

Governor  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  Author  of  the  Let- 
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Colonies  of  King  George  III.  and  'Edward  VII,  London,  | 
1908. 

Raynal  , G.  T.  Francis,  The  Abbe,  The  Revolution  of 
America,  Philadelphia,  1782. 

Sabine,  Lorenzo,  Biographical  Sketches  of  Loyalists  of 
the  Amer  ican  Revolution,  wi  th  an  Bui'torical  Essay. 

2 vols.,  Boston,  1864. 

Smith,  Goldwin,  The  United  States . An  Outline  of 
Political  History,  1492-1871,  Lew  York,  1893. 

Smith,  W.  Roy,  South  Carolina  as  a Royal  Province,  New 
York,  1903. 


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Riker,  Thad  W. , Henry  Firs t Lord  Holland,  a study 

of  the  career  of  an  eip^hteenth  century  politician. 

2 Yols.,  Oxford,  1911. 

Ryerson,  Rgerton,  Loyalists  of  America  and  their  Times : 
from  1620  ^ 1816,  Toronto,  1880. 

Russell,  Elmer  B.,  The  Reviev;  of  American  Colonial  Legis- 
lation by  the  Kinp;  in  Council,  Hew  York,  19lS. 

RuYille,  Albert  von,  William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham,  trans- 
lated by  H.  J.  Chaytor.  3 vols.,  London,  1907. 

Smith,  Theodore  Clark,  The  Wars  between  England  and 
America,  Hew  York,  1914. 

Sparks,  Jared,  The  Life  of  Benjamin  Eranklin,  Boston, 
1844. 

Stephen,  Leslie,  History  of  English  Thou^t  in  the 
Eighteenth  Century,  2 vols London,  1881. 

Stuart-Linton,  C.  E.  T.,  The  Problem  of  Empire  Grovern- 
ance.  Hew  York,  1912. 

Thackeray,  Francis,  A History  of  the  Right  Honourable 
William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham:  etc . , London,  1827. 


Trevelyan,  Sir  George  0.,  The  American  Revoluti on, 
London,  1907. 

Tyler,  Moses  C, , The  Literary  History  o f the  American 
Revolution,  1763-1783,  2 vols..  Hew  York,  1897. 

Usher,  Roland  G.,  The  Rise  of  the  American  People.  __A 
philqs ophical  interpretation  of  American  History, 
S^ew  Y'ork,  1914. 

Van  Tyne,  Claude  Halstead,  The  American  Revolution, 

Hew  York,  1905. 

,The  Loyalists  in  the  American  Revolution,  Hew  York, 

1902. 

Yiferner,  Edgar  A.,  Civil  List  and  C ons t i t u t i o nal  History 
of  the  Colony  and  State  ox  Hew  York,  Albany,  1889. 

Wetzel,  V/,  A.,  Benjamin  Franklin  as  an  Economist,  Balti- 
more, 1895. 

Vifheeler,  John  H.,  Historical  Sketches  of  Horth  Carolina, 
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Williams,  Basil,  The  Life  of  William  Pitt,  Earl  of 
Chatham,  2 vols. , Lew  York,  1913. 

Williamson,  J.  G. , The  Foundation  and  Gr owth  of  the 
British  Empire,"  Hew  York. 

Wood,  George  A. , William  Shirley,  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 1741-1756.  A History,  Hew  York,  1920. 

Woodhurn,  James  A. , Causes  of  the  American  Revolution , 
Baltimore,  1892. 


II.  Periodical  Articles . 

Adams,  George  B. , ”The  Origin  and  the  Results  of  the 
Imperial  Federation  Movement  in  England,”  in 
Proceedings  of  the  State  Historical  Society  of 
Wisconsin,  1898-1899,  93-116. 

Andrews,  Charles  M. , "List  of  Commissions,  Instructions, 
and  Additional  Instructions  issued  to  the  Royal 
Governors  and  others  in  America,"  in  American 
Historical  Association,  Annual  Report . 1911,  vol.  I, 
393-528. 

Beer,  G.  L., "British  Colonial  Policy,  1754-1765,”  in 
Political  Science  Quarterly,  vol.  ZXII , 1-48. 

Cappon,  James , "Canada' s Relation  to  the  Empire,"  in 
Queen 's  Quarterly,  vol.  XIX,  85-99. 

Coffin,  Victor,  "The  Quebec  Act  and  the  American  Revolu- 
tion," in  American  Historical  Association,  Annual 
Report,  1894,  273-279. 

Davidson,  John,  "England's  Commercial  Policy  towards  her 
Colonies  since  the  Treaty  of  Paris,"  in  Political 
Science  Quarterly,  vol.  XIV,  39-68,  211-239. 

Dickerson,  0.  M. , "The  British  Board  of  Trade  and  the 

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